France: Unions debate how to fight Macron’s anti-worker reforms

Lisbeth Latham

One of France's largest union confederations, the General Confederation of Workers (CGT), held a strike on October 19 as part of the campaign against the anti-worker and anti-union ordinances adopted by the Emmanuel Macron government.

The mobilisations were far smaller than the previous three days of protests and have further fuelled discussion within the movement over how to overcome divisions and weaknesses and mobilise the widespread latent public opposition to the government's attacks.

The October 19 strikes and mobilisations by the CGT were announced on October 9 – a day prior to a public sector workers’ strike – with the aim of driving forward the movement. However, the result was about 100,000 workers participating in the October 19 mobilisations – roughly half the size of the September 21 mobilisations and about a quarter of the size of the September 12 protests, the largest mobilisation of the campaign to date.

The call for the strike came after the first inter-union meeting involving all the union confederations was held on October 9, the first of its kind during the current campaign. It was widely known that the CGT would call the strike and that the militant trade union Solidaires would support, but there was no effort made at that meeting to draw the other confederations into the mobilisations.

Conservative unions

The failure to seek to draw other unions into the mobilisation reflects deep problems in the current campaign.

This includes the refusal by conservative unions, particularly the French Confederation of Democratic Workers (CFDT), to join the movement.

The potential of drawing them in seems even bleaker following the publication in Le Monde on October 23 of statements made by CFDT secretary general Laurent Berger at the confederation’s October 18-19 National Council meeting. Berger described the joint mobilisations as a “demonstration of weakness” and the CGT as “the Titanic, who wants to ride on the Titanic?”.

However, the left unions have also displayed an inability to engage and draw in more militant members of conservative unions.

While this objective is easier said than done, the CGT has been heavily focused on individual sections of its own confederation rather than trying to find ways to broaden the movement. While this has at times achieved some gains – such as truck drivers and wharf workers securing concessions that would limit the extent to which enterprise agreements can undermine sectoral agreements – the isolated strikes have had a tendency to leave the more militant sections of the movement on their own.

Where they have won concessions, those victories have undermined the capacity to mobilise these militant and strategically-located workers in support of the broader movement.

New Anti-Capitalist Party (NPA) militant Robert Pelletier, writing in the NPA's l'Anticapitaliste, argues that a major problem undermining mobilisations has been the determination of the leaders of the major confederations to participate in "dialogue" with the government.

The worst perpetrators have been the leaders of Workers Force (FO) and the CFDT, who despite anger from their rank-and-file and lower-level leaders, have accepted the attacks and argued that engagement with the government has served to limit the damage and helped to make progress in building "social dialogue".

However, this engagement has not been limited to the more conservative unions. CGT leaders have also engaged in dialogue and are seeking to participate in the next round, which will focus on the government's proposed attacks on vocational training, apprenticeships and unemployment insurance.

Pelletier argues that this engagement undermines the extent to which the government fears union threats of mobilisation. He argues that the focus should instead be on building upon the existing resistance by workers – particularly through the calling of indefinite strikes – while moving away from union-by-union and sector-by-sector strikes towards a united movement.

United convergence

Solidaires has continued to push for united mobilisations supported by all union confederations. It had been seeking to bring union leaders together for a discussion on a united response since May – that was only achieved on October 9.

In a statement following their leadership's October 17 meeting with the government to discuss the ordinances, Solidaires called for the rejection of the current ordinances, the repeal of the anti-worker 2016 El Khomri Law brought in by the previous Socialist Party government and rejection of the government’s prioritisation of "flexibility" over security for workers.

Solidaires is working to win agreement for a mid-November convergence of the struggles of workers, unemployed and retirees. It presented proposals for how to achieve this convergence to the inter-union meeting on October 24. Solidaires stated that "the constitution of a strong and determined social movement is urgently needed".

An agreement was reached at the October 24 meeting between the CGT, Solidaires and the FO for a joint mobilisation on November 16. Although opposed by the CDFT, the call has also been endorsed by UNEF, France’s main university student union, and two high school student unions. These student organisations played a critical role in the early stages of the 2016 protests against the El Khomri Law.

Another organisation pushing for a united mobilisation has been the Social Front (FS), which was established in late April by activists frustrated by the collapse of the 2016 movement.

FS has been building up its support with more than 130 union, social justice and political organisations from across France affiliating to the organisation.

It also successfully built a series of united mobilisations against Macron following the first round of the presidential elections in April. FS has called for a joint protest on November 18 against Macron’s policies. Activists from FS addressed the October 24 inter-union meeting seeking to win support for the mobilisation. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[This article was originally published inGreen Left Weekly #1159]

Read more...

More Union Statements on the Crisis in Tunisia

1. Rally of trade unionists in Tunis, in the absence of Tunisian General Labour Union leadership – News Article posted Echaab website 28 December, 2010
2. French unions express solidarity with Tunisian unions and the social movement in Sidi Bouzid – French inter-union - 30 December, 2010
3. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT January 04, 2011
4. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT - 11 January, 2011
5. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT - 18 January, 2011
6. Statement by the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT - 21 January, 2011
7. Statement of the Executive Bureau of the Tunisian General Labor Union
- UGTT – 26 January 2011



1. Rally of trade unionists in Tunis, in the absence of Tunisian General Labour Union leadership
28 December, 2010

Hundreds of people, mostly trade unionists belonging to components of civil society, held early yesterday afternoon in Muhammad Ali Square in front of the headquarters of the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) a rally to show solidarity with the protests triggered a few days ago in the region of Sidi Bouzid and that, following the call by the unions of primary and secondary education, physicians and public health for social security funds.

In his speech, the secretary general of the Union of Secondary Education Dr. Sami Tahri said the total solidarity with trade unionists, unemployed youth of the region and stressed the need to solve problems and find appropriate solutions for the realization of a true regional development which provides employment for young people and a decent standard of living for the populations of regions within the country."

The protesters then shouted slogans calling for the encouragement of investors in the regions, a true balance to eradicate regional inequalities for fair distribution of wealth and creating jobs for young university graduates.

Considerable numbers of police blocked access and exit to the square for fear of possible overflows.

Asked by Assabah whether Union Centre called for the rally, Association called for the rally, Abdessalem Jrad [UGTT Secretary General] was clear in his response,"What happened is just a passing cloud. The Union Centre Remains committed to its base and its national role. The slogan that were brandished have nothing to do with the Centre”. Jrad continued “The rally was not supported the Union structures and we did not sponsor it. In addition, whenever the Centre calls for a rally, a march or any movement of support, we know how to frame it.”

The gathering has not complied with the procedure required, especially with some people at the rally calling for support to the inhabitants of Sidi Bouzid”, the Secretary General of the UGTT replied: "As I said, the Centre has its proper procedures.

We are at the heart of the matter, but by reasonable and meaningful dialogue with the government, although we are a social organization and hence have a national role the Union Centre, has intervened to find possible solutions. We arrived to allow the release of most of those arrested. This is our role as a Union Centre and national actor, knowing that what happens in Sidi Bouzid concerns us all. "


2. French unions express solidarity with Tunisian unions and the social movement in Sidi Bouzid
30 December, 2010

Three years after the events of Gafsa, The Sidi Bouzid region in central Tunisia, has since December 17, been gripped by an outbreak of anger whose causes, as in Gafsa, is predominantly unemployment and lack of development.

The attempted suicide of a young street vendor, who had graduated from university, by setting himself on fire has triggered by a wave of protests in the region that have resulted in mass arrests.

The most violent clashes occurred at Manzil Bouziane where a young protester was shot dead and a dozen injured.

On December 27, hundreds of unionists of the UGTT, mainly in education, healthcare services, postal and telecommunications gathered outside the headquarters of the centre in Tunis. The demonstrators were surrounded by heavy security including anti-riot units.

The imbalance of development between the coastal and central regions is the cause of social distress in areas left behind, like that of Sidi Bouzid. The investment for job creation in these regions is a necessity, particularly towards young graduates whose unemployment rate is double the overall rate estimated at 14%.

The French trade union group formed after the events of Gafsa (CFDT, CGT, FSU, UNSA and Solidarity), supports the efforts of the Tunisian union movement to prevent the use of strong-arm tactics against these spontaneous protests.

It supports the UGTT’s call to open a negotiation for sustainable job-creating high quality and geographically balanced.

With the UGTT, the CGT, CFDT, FSU, UNSA and Solidaires require:

• end of the intervention of the police against the social movements;
• the release of all those arrested;
• not to mention the release of militants jailed in the past mobilizations in the region of Gafsa, such as Fahem Boukadous and Hassan bin Abdullah;
• amnesty and reintegration into employment of ex-prisoners of the mining area of Gafsa, and all condemned.

Faced with this policy characteristic of a police state, French organizations require the French government finally stop its systematic support to the regime.

3. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the Tunisian General Labour Union January 04, 2011

The members of the National Administrative Commission met on Tuesday, 4th January 2011 under the chairmanship of comrade Abdessalem Jerad, the General Secretary of the Tunisian General Labor Union. The meeting took place following the analysis of the painful events witnessed by Sidi Bouzid, Kasserine and other regions. These events were characterized by spontaneous movements initially demanding the right to work. Believing in the national and social role of the Tunisian General Labor Union and in order to contribute in the development of better prospects the members of the National administrative Commission:

1. Confirm the contents of the trade unionist statements as well as the statement issued by the Executive Bureau of the Union, which include concepts and principles about the pillars of sustainable development stated in the regulations of the concerned authorities centrally, regionally and sectorally, which evolved through studies and seminars on employment and labor relationships. They also call for a development pattern that takes into account the basic needs, which is based on justice and balance between the regions, and in which the State and the public sector perform the task of investing. This is mainly due to the fact that the private sector has not reached the required level of investment in the areas of priority, despite the fiscal, financial and social privileges that it enjoys.
2. Express their solidarity with the people of Sidi Bouzid and other internal regions in their legitimate aspirations towards a better reality and towards a pattern of development that ensures justice and equality, and guarantees the right to decent work and to job opportunities that provide a minimum income enabling people to meet the increase of prices. They also call for an urgent intervention in order to repair the clear damages that touched the inhabitants of Sidi Bouzid.
3. Emphasize the need to give the representatives of the Tunisian General Labor Union a permanent membership in the regional boards of employment and in the local employment committees. They also renew the demand of creating an unemployment fund to protect the dismissed workers and provide them with an income that enables them to meet their basic needs when they lose their jobs due to the economic changes, especially the policy of privatizing the public institutions.
4. Register with dismay the action of surrounding the regional and local trade unions in an attempt to block the last peaceful trade unionist movements. This led to practices of violence targeting a number of trade unionists, both locally and regionally.
5. Call for the release of the remaining detainees, ending their prosecution and removing all forms of security blockade in Sidi Bouzid and in the other regions. The members of the administrative commission also call for the adoption of dialogue as an essential mechanism to address all the kinds of reactions.
6. Express their solidarity with the families of the innocent victims and ask for a follow-up of those found guilty in hurting innocent victims.
7. Express their support for the lawyers and all the institutions of civil society in their support for our people in Sidi Bouzid during the spontaneous movements aiming to improve the reality of living in the region, to ensure social projects and to guarantee them a dignified life.
8. Express their resentment for the absence of the national media in the recent events and for the deliberate lack of coverage of the developments in response to the aspiration of the Tunisian citizen to know what is happening in his country. This led to a media vacuum which strikingly calls for a comprehensive review of the reality of the media. They also stress the importance of promoting the media and improving the ways of dealing with events in order to develop its performance and make it capable of dealing with the substantive economic, social and political issues and of adopting courage, transparency and clarity in the disclosure of some aspects of misconduct and the practices that are inconsistent with the values of justice, freedom and equality and which may affect the substance of the laws of civil and human rights as well as the institutions of civil society.
9. Call for political reforms in order to deepen democracy and promote freedom, and to activate the role of the Tunisian League for Human Rights as an important national gain because of its role in the actual consecration of the State of law and institutions. They also affirm the need to enable the Tunisian League for Human Rights to hold its congress respecting the independence of its decision.
10. Consider that negotiation is a legitimate international and domestic right and that going on strike is the essence of the right of freedom of association. They call the authorities to negotiate seriously with the labor union of education and the unions of the other sectors and to respond to their demands which were issued by their administrative commissions in order to contribute to the establishment of a social climate characterized by stability and which emphasizes the importance of dialogue in reducing the possible social problems. The members of the national administrative commission also renew their demand of reintegrating the dismissed workers of the mining basin in their previous jobs in order to put an end to a situation representing one of the factors contributing to a tense social climate.
    

Long live the Tunisian General Labor Union, free, democratic and independent fighter.

Tunis, January 04, 2011

Abdessalem Jerad
General Secretary

4. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT
11 January, 2011

Members of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT, met in an extraordinary session, Tuesday, January 11, 2011 in the northern suburbs of Tunis chaired by Comrade Abdessalem Jerad, Secretary General,

After having carried out the examination of the situation following protest movements that occurred in many parts of the country, movements characterized by disturbances, acts of police violence including the use of live ammmunition resulting in the killing many innocent victims.

Emphasizing the need for an urgent intervention to respond to the legitimate claims of the protesters.

1. Denounce the use of the firing of live ammunition on demonstrators, that has resulted in numerous deaths among citizens in a number of inland areas specifically to Tala, Kasserine and Regueb and denounce the blockade of the premises of the UGTT’s regional office in Kasserine as well as the removal of their goods and documents;
2. Request the establishment of a commission of inquiry to clarify the conditions under which the firing live ammunition at demonstrators in the mentioned regions took place and determine the responsibilities;
3. Demand the removal of army units that have been deployed in cities and the road blocks on major roads and the lifting of the seige of some inland areas by police.
4. Express their commitment to the right of freedom of expression and the right to peaceful assembly to devote the legitimate rights of populations in accordance with international conventions and the Tunisian Constitution to protect public goods against looting or destruction and preserve those rights achieved through the people’s national and social struggles;
5. Reiterate their call for the liberation of all persons in custody to soothe the tension and the establishment of a national commission for dialogue on the imperatives of economic, social and political reforms that must occur in the coming period, and reforms necessary to ensure stability and peaceful progress attributes. Similarly, they call for the establishment of committees on regional and local reflection on solutions to revise the model of economic development in our country.
6. Call for the establishment of a monthly allowance to any person whose unemployment has exceeded 12 months and give support to ensure stable and decent employment which responds to an individual’s professional profile and scientific abilities,
7. The importance of conducting an urgent and serious debate on the need to create an insurance - unemployment benefit for the unemployed and workers dismissed because
   transformations of the national economy and the adoption of a policy of privatisation and closure due to industry’s inability to cope with the policies of harsh and unbridled competition;
8. Reiterate their call for the need to involve the regional and local Unions within the UGTT as permanent members of regional development councils, and local councils and commissions employment;
9. Express their support for the affected regions and their solidarity with the families of the victims and recognize the right of regional trade union structures observing movements to challenge injury they have endured with all the populations in these areas and the right of citizens of other regions and the various professional groups to express their solidarity and active by peaceful marches in coordination with the National Executive Bureau.
10. Warn against any attempt to not take responsibility of recent events that have engulfed our country, with attacks on the sectoral and regional trade union structures,
11. Express their displeasure at the adoption of a policy of misinformation leading to distorting the facts and the turn taken \in different regions of the country to inhibit the communicate with citizens with freedom, accuracy, objectivity, and reality,
12. Decide, in light of the latest developments in the situation, to postpone the National Board meeting scheduled for 10, 11 and 12 February 2011 at a later date.
    

Tunis, 11 January 2011
Abdesslem Jerad
Secretary General

5. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of UGTT
18 January, 2011

The members of the National Administrative Commission of the Tunisian General Trade Union held an extraordinary meeting on Tuesday, 18 January 2011 in Gammarth, headed by the General Secretary comrade Abdessalem Jerad. They analyzed the rapid developments witnessed by the country and assessed the sacrifices made by the trade unionists, the workers, the population and the martyrs in the historical popular uprising to resist injustice, oppression and delinquency. Since the members of the Administrative Commission believe in the national and social role, which has long been played by the labor Organization in the struggle for freedom, justice and human rights, they:

1. Stand in humility and homage for the martyrs who perished during the uprising of our people against oppression and tyranny, against the protection of the corrupt gang that lived in our country and for the resistance to an oppressive system based on abolishing public and individual freedoms and human rights.
2. Remind that the Tunisian General Trade Union was the first organization that alerted the Government through its studies and memoirs, and its speech to the public, about the situation of tension and anger that has reached our youth and our people as a result of the clumsy development policies which led to unemployment and poverty and created a void in the social and cultural development.
3. Stand in tribute and appreciation for the solidarity between all the social classes in order to maintain security and public property. They also stress the fact that the acts of vandalism and looting were carried out by groups who were paid by symbols of the presidential security and by spoilers from the family of former president as well as his followers and relatives. They consider that any attempts to divert the public opinion from the real perpetrators of these acts of vandalism and looting represent a kind of deception and obfuscation.
4. Call for the immediate freezing of the accounts of the former president, his family and in-laws and the nationalization of their properties and to prevent all the suspects from leaving the Tunisian territory waiting for the outcome of the investigations that will be conducted by the committee formed for this purpose.
5. Stress the need for the announced political reforms to be immediately effective, including the separation between Political Party and State, the passing of a general legislative amnesty, the revision of the Constitution and the Electoral Code and enabling all the political sensitivities of their right to get organized and to exercise their political activities freely, away from all the pressures and constraints.
6. Call for the creation of representative structures with broad powers to monitor the implementation of the immediate measures that were announced as well as the political, economic and social reforms.
7. In order to reinforce the trade unionist rights, according to the international conventions and the local laws, the members of the Administrative Commission call for the immediate dissolution of the professional divisions and their federations since they are parallel structures that clearly damaged worker relations and the social climate within the institutions of production. They also stress the need to dissolve the structures of the Constitutional Democratic Party, a party that is still headed by former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.
8. Ask for reviewing the terms of the right to demonstrate peacefully in order to eliminate crippling strictures that limit people’s freedom to protest against the adopted policies that contradict with their interests and aspirations.
9. Despite the fact that the Tunisian General Trade Union is keen to social and political reforms and to the need to strengthen them, it considers that the composition of the announced coalition government does not respond to the conditions set by the Executive Bureau in the statement issued on Saturday 15 January 2011 and does not correspond to the aspirations of the workers and the population concerning real renewal, breaking off with the old practices, and equilibriums. This is due to the number of representatives of the previous government and the ruling party in the coalition government as well as the marginalization of the role of the representatives of the Tunisian General Trade Union. The members of the Administrative Commission announce the withdrawal of their representatives from the coalition government, and the resignation of the union members from the House of Representatives, the Council of Advisers and the municipal councils as well as the freezing of the membership of the Tunisian General Trade Union in the Economic and Social Council as well its membership in the Supreme Councils.
10. Reject all forms of external intervention to guide our people and to influence them because the population who managed to overthrow a President who suppressed all those who upheld the right to freedom of expression, is qualified to chart their own destiny away from guardianship.
11. Call for working to form an elected constituent assembly, through free and democratic elections, which reflects the will of our people to build a better future.
12. Decide to give an amnesty to the trade unionists whose activity was suspended in all sectors and regions.
    

General Secretary
Abdessalem Jerad
General Secretary

6. Statement by the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT
21 January. 2011
After an assessment of the balance sheet of the popular uprising and an examination of the results of the political consultations and protests at the national, regional and local movements.
Members of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT, met on Friday, 21 January 2011, under the chairmanship of Comrade Abdessalem JERAD, Secretary General. The Commission:

1. Reaffirmed that the UGTT is a national organization concerned imperatively by political issue to its history militant opposition to colonization and the building of the modern State and given the close correlation between the dimensions economic, social, political and cultural in the development process.
2. Reminds that the resignation of the UGTT representative on the members of the National Government has been attributed to the refusal to deliver the demands of the Executive Bureau, demands expressed in the statement dated January 15, 2011. This position of resignation is based on a fair reading of the evolution of events through the claims and aspirations of the demonstrators and all the components of civil society,
3. Have noted that the scale of movement in all regions of the country calling for the dissolution of the Government and the refusal of the appointment of RCD members as Ministers within the government, in light of the many resignations and refusal by a number of parties and of political sensibilities to participate in the government, and given the imperative of a return to quiet and calm to focus on the implementation of announced reforms, the UGTT National Administrative Commission members call for dissolution of the Government and the establishment of a national coalition Government of that meets the demands of protesters, political parties, nongovernmental organizations and the united people.
4. Active participation in a commission of political reform, they decide to establish union committees to develop the ideas of the UGTT in political, economic and social reforms necessary to meet urgent need to establish democracy and to hold free and transparent elections guaranteeing freedom of choice of the voters, the composition of a parliamentary government and the freedom of information. In addition, members of the National Administrative Commission ask that the Union Centre be represented on the commission of fact-finding on excesses committed during the last period, and prosecution for anyone involved in the death of innocent citizens are engaged and that the UGTT be represented on a fact finding commission on acts of corruption and malfeasance.
5. Require all workers to act against any attempt to interrupt the normal functioning of industry and to be vigilant to safeguard assets and ensure continuity of administration and management of these companies.
6. Are determined to pursue the legitimate struggle by observing strikes or demonstrating peacefully until the recomposition of the Government in accordance with the conditions laid down by the UGTT.
7. Call to celebrate the day of January 14 as a national public holiday.
8. Speak insistently to all trade unionists and workers to work for the protection of Trade Union Unity and guarantee the continuity of the fight by the UGTT towards achieving its objectives in response to the demands of the populations. They also call for more continued vigilance to annihilate any attempt to undermine the UGTT ranks and influence its decisions in this delicate phase in the history of the Tunisia.
   
   

The combat of our people on the way of the dedication of its dignity and its invulnerability of life.
.
Abdessalem Jerad
Secretary General

7. Statement of the Executive Bureau of the UGTT
26 January 2011

The Executive Bureau of the Tunisian General Trade Union met on Wednesday, January 26, 2011, under the chairmanship of the General Secretary, comrade Abdessalem Jerad. After reviewing the current situation of the country and the clear and precise positions taken by the central Trade Union as well as the civil and political society and taking into consideration the acts of vandalism and looting that targeted some headquarters of the UGTT, the Executive Bureau of the Union:

1. Strongly condemns the acts of vandalism which targeted the headquarters of the UGTT in some areas. These acts remind the trade unionists, activists and workers of the events of January 26, 1978. These practices will only strengthen the resistance of the unions and their willingness to fight. This will not change their decision to continue their struggle and guide protesters in accordance with the claims of the civil and political society, and all the population.
2. Thanks all those who defended the UGTT and all those who struggled to support the historical position of the Central trade union, based on the commitment to the principles of the revolution and on the composition of a government that serves the revolution, a government that breaks completely with the old regime, works with transparency and credibility to build a better future, based on strengthening public and private freedoms, democracy and Human Rights.
3. Thanks all the associations, the non-governmental organizations and the political parties and sensitivities for supporting the decisions of the UGTT and its governing structures that, despite differences of opinion and appreciation on their performance, form a protective shield for militants and activists and remain vigilan to defend the Central trade union and a united front against all attempts to ransack the offices of the UGTT and to undermine its unity.
4. Warns against the violent turn that characterizes the situation and other acts perpetrated by militias who want to sow disorder and prevent people from showing their protest peacefully, and with responsibility. The Executive Bureau calls all trade unionists and workers to save the companies and production sites and condemns any attempt to destroy the achievements of the population.
5. Calls the President of the Republic to listen carefully to the demands of the people and the UGTT which expresses, in this crucial period, the willingness to interact with all the ideas that are consistent with the decisions of the leading structures of the Central trade union. Long live the workers’ struggle for freedom, justice, democracy and Human Rights.
   

Abdessalem Jerad
General Secretary

Read more...

Inter-Union statement of 8 November

Inter-Union statement of 8 November
Joint Declaration of the trade unions CFDT, CGT, FSU, Solidaires, UNSA
Original in French is available here
After several weeks of mobilization and despite the measures taken by the government to try to support the idea that "the page on pensions" has turned, 1.2 million workers who demonstrated on November 6 in 243 cities against these pension reforms which are unfair and ineffective.


As everyone is aware that the pension law may be enacted in the coming days, it is not the time for resignation. The trade unions will continue to act to reduce inequality, to win recognition of the reality of the harshness of the proposed changes and win other alternatives for finance the PAYG system. They reaffirm their commitment to maintaining the statutory age of retirement at age 60 and age of the full rate at age 65.

They note that the economic and social situation remains very poor and particularly a concern for employees, pensioners, unemployed and youth who still face the hard consequences of the continuing crisis.

The trade unions believe that the exceptional level mobilisation over the past months has highlighted the glaring dissatisfaction of workers and posed their demands for improved employment, wages and working conditions, and end to inequality between women and men, along with increased tax and wealth-sharing. They decided to deepen their analysis and proposals on these issues in order to challenge the government and employers.

The unions decided to continue the united mobilisation by making November 23 a national day of mobilisation across sections in a range of forms. These actions must address the concerns of employees and ensure a large participation. They ask the territorial and sectoral organisations to specify the form of action (rallies, demonstrations, rallies, work stoppages ...).

Trade unions seek to ensure their success.

The unions now committed to participate actively in the European day of action on 15 December to oppose austerity plans that are multiplying in Europe.

The organizations will meet again November 29, 2010.

On November 8, 2010

Read more...

France: Sarkozy Enacts Pensions Law as Mass Mobilisations Continue

Lisbeth Latham

President Nicolas Sarkozy, on November 10, enacted new legislation which increases the retirement age of French workers just days after more than a million workers and students mobilised across France against the law. The protests held on November 6, were the eighth, and smallest, national strike since September 7 against increases to the retirement age. The protest highlighted both the continuing depth of popular anger over the changes which were pushed through parliament on October 27. However the decline in the size of the mobilisations reflect growing divisions in the movement over how the movement should have responded to the counter reforms and the direction for the campaign now the legislation has been passed.


Sarkozy enacted the law just hours after it had been approved by the Constitutional Council. There had been hope by sections of the union leaderships and the plural left that the council would reject the legislation.

According to the inter-union coordinating committee the day attracted some 1.2 million people to protests in 243 cities and towns. This was down 40% on the size of the last day of action on October 28 and a decline of 65% on the largest protests of 3.5 million of October 12 and 19. While numbers were down across France the largest declines occurred in cities such as Paris (90, 000 compared with 170, 000 on October 28).

The government and its supporters have sort to convince people that the decline in size, the interior ministry estimated that 375, 000 participated compared to 560, 000 on October 12 a peak of 1.2 million, reflects that the movement in defence of pensions is effectively over. Sarkozy and government ministers have

For a number of reasons this appears to be wishful thinking on the part of the government. President Nicolas Sarkozy’s support in the polls has fallen below 30%, the lowest level ever for a president. Popular sentiment against the reform remains high with 70% of people opposed to the counter reform and 74% of young people. It is unclear whether government will be in a position to push through any further major attacks prior to the next elections in 2012, however it is likely that they will attempt smaller attacks against marginalised sections of the population, aimed at paving the way for broader attacks and to win support of more reactionary sections of society.

While there has undoubtedly been a sharp decline in the size of the movement, as Sandra Demarcq, of the Nouveau parti anticapitaliste (New Anticapitalist Party) argued in Tous est à nous! on November 3 the struggle has brought a large new layer of militants into the struggle – who she argues will not be easily discouraged by the ballot. This is reflected in the fact that the size of the November 6 mobilisation is larger than the three mobilisations that occurred against the reform in March and May.

Moreover there are additional explanations for the decline in the movement beyond public acceptance of the laws. A central factor was the decision by the inter-union to slow the pace of mobilisations and withdraw support from the indefinite strikes that had affected a wide range of industries prior to the Senate passing the legislation on October 22. These decisions clearly helped to sap confidence from the movement. Then in the lead-up to the November 6 strike, the inter-union when it met on November 4, failed to make a clear call for a new mobilisation to come out of November 6, instead stating that there would be more action in the week beginning November 22. While the lack of clear direction has undermined the movement in defence of pensions, it hasn’t undermined the combativeness of French workers, with localised struggles continuing around wages and conditions such as the four day strike, which began November 5, called by pilots and other airline staff over plans to tax allowances and benefits.

The indecisiveness of the inter-union has lead to growing public disagreements as to the direction of the campaign. Liberation on November 6, reported the views of a range of union leaders. François Chérèque, Secretary Geneeral of the Confédération Française Démocratique du Travail (French Democratic Confederation of Labour -CFDT), argued that it was a “dream” to believe that Sarkozy could be forced to back down, and that the movement would slowly away from a focus on pensions and onto other demands. The leadership of Union nationale des syndicats autonomes (National Union of Autonomous Unions) warned other unions against “forms of action that do not correspond to the situation” and might cause a collapse of investment. Jean-Claude Mailly, Force Ouvrière (Workers Force - FO) General Secretary, said that the decline in the movement was a sign that the conduct of the movement was a mess. Bernard Thibault, Confédération Générale du Travail (Genderal Confederation of Labour - CGT) General Secretary, told the November 6 l’Humanite, “that if it proved impossible to continue the battle over pensions with a unified effort of all unions, the CGT would continue the fight with those who want continue”, including being willing to continue alone. The primary focus for Thibault was positioning the movement to conduct negotiations over the implementation of pension changes when they come into effect on July 1 2011.

The inter-union met on November 8 and called a new day of multi-facetted actions for November 23. This call was not signed by either Confédération française des travailleurs chrétiens (French Confederation of Christian Workers - CFTC) or Confédération française de l'encadrement - Confédération générale des cadres (French Confederation of Management – General Confederation of Executives). FO released a statement on November 8, in which it criticised other unions of not supporting argument at the November 4 meeting, for a 24-hour strike in the public and private sectors aimed at expanding the movement and that it could not engage in a strategy of forgetfulness, distraction and exhaustion and so could not participate in the inter-union meeting, but that it reaffirmed its availability and commitment to build the balances of forces through a process of resistance and reconquest. The CFTC issued a statement on November 9 that with the law being close to being enacted the time for demonstrations is over. Instead the CFTC will look to engage with government over its concerns with the legislation specifically in 2013, which has been specified in the law as a new period for reviewing pensions.

In contrast to these positions the militant union Solidaires in a statement issued on November 10, in which it outlined its view of the dynamic of the movement. Solidaires argued that early days of action in March, May and June were too far apart, yet despite this they had a growing resonance. However it was only in the indefinite strikes, which Solidaires had argued for from the outset, which had the opportunity to knock the employers by blocking the economy. The workers in refineries, rail, road transport, officials from the state and the hospital, local authorities, waste, energy, and many other sectors initiated indefinite strikes, and held several weeks hoping for a generalisation of the movement. However only Solidaires and the Fédération syndicale unitaire (United Union Federation) supported extending these strikes to other sectors and it was necessary for the strikes to be suspended. The Solidaires statement expressed its support for continuing collective action at the local level and for workers to “seize November 23 as a day to make their voices heard again”.

With the moderate unions shifting the terrain of struggle to modifying the impact of the law and hoping that the laws will be repealed if there is a change of government following the 2012 elections, the far-left parties have attempted to warn the movement from a reliance on elections rather than the mobilisation of members. Demarcq argued on November 3, that the movement can rebound in other forms, other struggles”, but warned “Many of us know that the solution to our problems is not the perspective of a plural left government in 2012, headed by the Parti socialiste that votes in the National Assembly lengthening the contribution period or the requisitioning of the municipal employees strike in Marseille, with the "left" who, when they have a majority, implement de facto right-wing policies, such as in Greece or Spain. It is in our struggles to make those have caused the crisis to pay for it, that we can forge the power capable of challenging capitalism”.

While the debate that has emerged robs the movement of the appearance unity, it reveals the real disagreements that made it impossible for the movement to build the momentum \to a sufficient level to allow victory. The hope must be that through an ongoing open discussion real unity in action can be achieved.

Read more...

Joint Communique of the inter-union coordinating committee November 4, 2010

CFDT - CFE-CGC - CFTC - CGT - FSU - Solidaires - UNSA
Original French text is available here

Trade unions welcomed the successful mobilization of private and public sector employees, and young people last October 28 while we were in the middle of school holidays and after the final vote of the Pensions Act in parliament.


The determination of employees is not fading for months, supported by public opinion, demonstrates that there are many social concerns, a rejection of this pension reform and a deep dissatisfaction with a government that has chosen to force the passage.

The Trade Union Organisations reaffirm their determination in face a government reform which continues to be unfair, ineffective, unacceptable and does not respond to actual issues. They confirmed their call for a massive mobilization Saturday, November 6, 2010 over France. Le gouvernement porte seul la responsabilité de la situation actuelle. The government bears sole responsibility for the current situation. It must hear that a real debate on the future of pensions is essential.

The Labour organizations, with the workers, are attached to the work that has been conducted by the Inter-Union through united actions over the past two years. They decide to continue joint work on employment, wages, purchasing power and working conditions by updating their joint statement of January 29, 2009.

Echoing the concerns of employees, the Union Organizations are already calling a new meeting domestic mobilization during the week of November 22 to 26, the terms and content will be determined at the meeting of 8 November.

Read more...

France: Big protests as movement debates way forward

Lisbeth Latham

French workers and students have mobilised in large numbers again to oppose changes in pension laws that will raise the age at which workers are able to retire.

The seventh national strike in as many weeks took place on October 28, as indefinite strikes in many industries against the changes entered their third week.

The protests took place despite the government’s pension bill passing through France’s parliament on October 27.

However, there are clear signs the movement against the changes has begun to weaken. The passing of the pension law, and signs the struggle against it is slowing, have heightened debate over the direction of the campaign.

More than 2 million people took part in 270 protests in cities and towns across France on October 28.


The turnout, while large, was down on preceding national strike days, during which between 2.7 million and 3.5 million people took to the streets.

Bernard Thibault, general secretary of the Genderal Congress of Labour (CGT), told l’Humanite on October 28 that the mobilisations that day were “inferior” to the previous ones, but still “large” and “impressive” given the passage of the law.

He added: “What is impressive is that was probably the first time that after the passage of a law, we have events equally large … with popular support.”

The size of the protests was undoubtedly affected by the parliamentary vote, but the decline was also a consequence of the decision of the inter-union coordinating committee at its October 21 meeting to slow the pace of protests and strikes.

The meeting also reduced support for the indefinite strikes occurring across France.

The statement was not signed by one of the participating national unions, the radical Solidaires union, which argued for an intensification of the strike movement.

The United Union Federation (FSU) supported Solidaires’ call for an indefinite general strike, but put its name to the statement.

The October 21 committee statement set two new national days of protests for October 28 and November 6. This meant there were nine days between national strikes.

In that time, the bill was passed by the Senate on October 22 and went through the final stages of adoption of a common text between the National Assembly and the Senate over October 25, 26 and 27.

Between October 12 and October 19, three national strikes had involved between 3 million and 3.5 million people. Given that the October 28 national strike was supposed to provide a final show of defiance before the bill becomes law, it was a significant loss of momentum.

This is especially the case considering opinion polls continued to show huge opposition to the changes of 65-70%.

The October 21 statement also failed to endorse the daily local actions by workers. This contrasted sharply with the previous repeated calls by inter-union committee statements for unions to hold discussions at the regional and workplace level to determine appropriate forms of action.

After the statement, there was a decline in the indefinite strikes. Participation in the strike by state rail workers, which management had said involved 40-50% of workers when the strike began on October 25, fell to 4% by October 29.

Most significantly, workers at two oil refineries voted to lift their strikes on October 25. The shutdown of France’s refineries had caused a severe fuel shortage.

By October 26, workers at four refineries had voted to lift their indefinite strike.

Despite this dynamic of retreat, other developments showed the movement still has considerable strength. At the six large Total refineries, workers voted to continue their strikes.

At those refineries where workers had voted to return to work, it was difficult for production to restart with strikes continuing at the ports in Le Havre and Fos-Lavera.

This meant the refineries were only able to refine previously stored crude product and allow the transport of oil refined before the start of the strike.

The determination of a significant section of workers to continue striking with no pay, especially in the oil industry where the action resulted in more than a third of petrol stations across France running out of supplies, reflects a willingness to continue the struggle.

However, without the leadership and support of most national union federations, those continuing the struggle risk isolation. This is especially the case as the government has begun issuing “requisitions orders” forcing workers to return to work or face prosecution.

By October 29, other refinery workers and port workers had voted to return to work. MidiLibre.com reported that CGT representatives in the refineries expressed regret their strikes had not been supported by workers in other sectors.

However, since the inter-union committee’s statement, university students have increased the size and extent of their mobilisations against the pension bill.

On October 25, Young New Anti-capitalist Party (JNPA) reported that 37 universities were on strike and a further 10 universities had been closed by their administrations.

A coordinating committee representing 40 universities has called a national strike for November 4.

The differences expressed at the October 21 meeting of the inter-union committee were not new. But the meeting reflected a clearer expression of the differences that had existed since the start of the campaign.

The more conservative union federations had previously expressed support for an increase in the age for receiving the pension. This wing includes the French Democratic Confederation of Labour (CFDT), National Union of Autonomous Unions (UNSA), the French Confederation of Christian Workers (CFTC) and the French Confederation of Management-General Confederation of Executives (CFE-CGC).

The CFDT leadership had publicly supported the pension changes attempted by the Jean-Paul Raffarin government in 2003.

These unions were drawn into the campaign and the inter-union committee largely due to the refusal of the government to negotiate seriously with unions.

The focus of the leadership of these unions, along with the leadership of the more militant CGT, has been on forcing the government to reenter talks with unions.

However, among CGT ranks and some regional leaderships, there has been a lot of support for an indefinite general strike aimed at the total defeat of the pension bill.

Popular support for the strikes has been high. In the aftermath of the 3.5 million-strong national strike on October 19, Sandra Demarcq wrote in International Viewpoint that 61% of those polled supported prolonged strikes.

This dynamic has allowed alliances to be formed between militants across unions for indefinite strikes in the face of opposition from the more conservative national leaderships.

Despite popular support for further strikes, CFDT secretary general Francois Cheroquem was reported by Bloomberg on October 29 as saying the CFDT would not support further strikes once the legislation becomes law.

The bill has now been referred to the Constitutional Council to determine whether it complies with France’s constitution. Given the pressure from right-wing parties, it is unlikely to be blocked by the council without an escalating mass movement.

At best, the council discussions will delay President Nicolas Sarkozy from enacting the law.

With the changes likely to become law, there will be an increased pressure within the social movements to support the opposition Socialist Party (PS), which has promised to repeal the law if it wins the 2012 elections.

The militant Solidaires federation and the far-left parties continue to focus on pushing for further mobilisations to defeat the changes.

In an October 28 statement, Solidaires noted the movement still had strong public support. It said the bill’s passing made no difference “as democracy cannot be reduced to the parliamentary vote”.

Solidaires called for “a continuation of the engagement process, through national and local actions determined on a daily basis within individual units: support for strikes, blockades, rallies, initiatives of solidarity … It is responsibility of organisations to give this process a new impetus.”

The passage of the pension bill has significance beyond the negative impact it will have in lengthening the working life of French workers.

Solidaires pointed out in its daily strike bulletin on October 11: “Defeat on this issue will open the door for further challenges.”

The huge French strike movement has given hope in the ability of the working class to hold back the wave of austerity programs being implemented by capitalist governments across Europe.

In the latest of these attempts to make working people pay for capitalism’s economic crisis, the British government announced severe cuts to public spending on October 19.

This austerity drive has been bitterly opposed, with and big protests in Greece, but such resistance has so far failed to stop any of the anti-worker measures.

The militancy of the French strike movement, and the depth of public support for it, has held the possibility of galvanising resistance across Europe.

This hope was reflected in the actions of Belgian workers on October 26. They organised blockades to stop oil being transported from Belgium to France to ease the shortage caused by the French oil workers’ strike.

The Sarkozy government recognises the importance of this struggle and is determined not to back down in its plans to raise the retirement age.

How the movement will play out remains unclear. The growth of the student movement could give the broader movement renewed energy.

However, its strength remains untested until high school students return from school holidays on November 4 — coinciding with the national student strike.

A strong turnout for the student strike will strengthen the hand of the militant unions when the inter-union committee meets again that day. Its decisions will have a big impact on the size of the national strike that has been called for November 6.

Whatever the outcome, the revolt of French workers has already reverberated across Europe. Even if defeated, it could prove a sign of deeper resistance still to come.

[This article was originally published in Green Left Weekly #859]

Read more...

Solidaires - Pensions: Win by our determination!

Statement Issued by the trade union Solidaires in response to the communique issued from the inter-union meeting on October 21, 2010.
Six days of massive mobilization since early September, 70% of the population supporting this movement and thinking that the draft law on pensions is deeply unfair, and yet a government that stubbornly refuses any reopening of the file. The question of pensions is now a democratic issue. Rejection of any negotiation, first accelerating the debate in the National Assembly, now the Senate is to vote on the text before the school holidays, the government and the president chooses to force its passage.

Faced with this edict, the current movement is taking new forms that show its determination is intact. These multifaceted actions ranging from extended strikes in some sectors to the blockades fuel depots, are organized in a united fashion. They combine with the strong mobilization of youth who refuses grim fate that is prepared by the ruling classes. In response, the government restricts itself to the denial of social mobilization and enhances repression.

In this situation, the inter-union decided to call two new mobilization days, Thursday, October 28 and Saturday, November 6. The trade union Solidaires would have preferred an earlier date so as not to stay too long workers mobilising on a daily basis without a centralised national day of action. Moreover, it is unfortunate that the inter-union communiqué does not support actions decided by workers at the base. This is why Solidarity has not signed the communiqué of the other organizations.

However, the united national mobilizations are essential moments in the construction and consolidation of power against the government.

That is why Solidarity calls to amplify the mobilization: expanded strikes and walkouts, strengthen local daily initiatives, massive mobilization on October 28 and November 6.

Solidarity urges its members and activists to participate actively in the united building of those days. The government wants to use us. United and determined, we can win!

October 22, 2010

Read more...

France: Inter-union communique October 21

Communiqué CFDT, CFE/CGC, CFTC, CGT, FSU, UNSA
Thursday, October 21, 2010

The days of Saturday 16 and Tuesday, October 19, 2010 confirm that mobilization continues to have deep roots. There are millions of employees within these 6 days of action since early September said they want an alternative pension reform which is fair and fair and efficient, and call for the reopening of negotiations with unions.

The scale mobilizations confirms that beyond the pension reform, questions regarding employment, wages, working conditions and also the future of youth remain effectively unanswered especially since the worsening situations related to 2008 financial crisis. The unions agree to work together on these issues in the coming weeks to challenge the government and employers.


Various surveys conducted in recent days confirm that the movement is very widely supported by the people confirming its support for a broad public debate and genuine dialogue that must occur for reforms on major questions such as pensions.
Trade unions call on their organizations to continue their protests to bring together the largest number and broaden the support of public opinion. They call their organizations in the territories, private and public sector to continue united initiatives. They will take care of the respect of the goods and the people.

The government bears the full responsibility of the continuing mobilization because of its intransigence, its failure to listen and its repeated provocations. It cannot respond to the current situation with denial and repression.
Trade unions solemnly call on the government and the parliament not to adopt this reform of the state.

The unions view is that major reforms such as that of the pensions must be preceded by a through and broad public debate which involves genuine dialogue.
With the strong support from workers, young people and a majority of the population in the face of the intransigent attitude of the government and head of state, the unions decided to continue and expand the mobilization.
They decided two new days of mobilization:

Thursday, October 28: A national day of strikes and demonstrations during the week of voting in Parliament.
Saturday, November 6: A day of protests and demonstrations before the promulgation of the law by the Head of State.

The unions will meet on November 4.
October 21, 2010

Read more...

French workers fight back against pension attack

Lisbeth Latham

Since October 12, France has been gripped by intensifying mass opposition by workers and students to proposed counter reforms to the country’s pensions system by the right-wing government of President Nicolas Sarkozy.

Public opposition to the attack has been highlighted by three national strikes each involving millions of people, two national student strikes and a growing wave of indefinite strikes in a range of industries — most notably the crippling shutdown of the oil industry.

Despite the size and intensity of the mobilisations, the Sarkozy government remains defiant, insisting the changes to the pension system are essential to France’s future. The government has threatened to repress attempts to disrupt France’s economic life.

The three national strikes occurred in the lead-up to the October 20 Senate debate on the pension scheme proposals. Unions estimated the October 12, 16 and 19 national strikes were attended by 3.5 million, 3 million and 3.5 million people respectively.

After the slightly smaller mobilisation on October 16, labour minister Eric Woerth told France 24: “The turnout is clearly down … I think the French people have understood that pension reform is essential.”

However, this proved wishful thinking.

In the space of 29 days, there were five national strikes, each mobilising between 2.7 and 3 million people. The General Confederation of Labour (CGT) estimated that more than 5 million people (8% of France’s metropolitan population) have taken part in the movement on the streets.

Since October 12, indefinite strikes have broken out in the state rail system, among local authority workers, in several education academies, industrial factories (such as in metallurgy and chemicals), the finance ministry, postal services, urban transport networks and hospitals.

An indefinite strike has hit France’s ports since September 27.

High school students have begun large protests that have closed down hundreds of schools across France.

Polls have indicated up to 70% of people support the strikes.

After October 16, the movement rapidly strengthened in response to union calls for its intensification.

The General Federation of Transport and Equipment-French Democratic Confederation of Labour (FGTE-CFDT), which is the strongest union in France’s road transport industry, called an indefinite strike starting on October 17. Lyceen Student Unions called a national mobilisation for October 18.

On October 17, Ardennes departmental unions from the CGT, CFDT, Workers Force (FO), National Union of Autonomous Unions (UNSA), United Union Federation (FSU) and Solidaires called for an indefinite strike in the private and public sectors to start the next day.

On October 19, the question was posed: was the slight decline in numbers on October 16 just a pause as the movement gathered its strength?

Or was it, as the government and its national and international supporters hoped, a sign of the movement’s demoralisation and reconciliation with the “inevitability of counter reforms”?

Government hopes were disappointed when 3.5 million people joined more than 277 protests organised in cities and towns. Not only did the numbers match the size of the October 12 protests, but in many cities, including Bourgoin, Marseilles and Rennes, the turnouts reached new highs.

The movement among high school and university students also peaked. The National Union of Students of France (UNEF) said 10 universities had been totally or partially blockaded and a further three administratively closed.

The Federation of Independent and Democratic High School Students (FIDL), France’s second largest high school union, said 1200 of France’s 4300 lycees (the second level of secondary education in France for students aged 15-18) were involved and 850 were blockaded.

In the face of the growing movement, the government has become increasingly shrill in its denunciations. In response to student protests, government ministers accused unions and left-wing parties of manipulating young people.

Responding to clashes between police and high school students, Sarkozy said: “Troublemakers will not have the last word in a democracy. It is not acceptable.

“They will be stopped, tracked down and punished, in Lyon and anywhere else, with no weakness.

“Because in our democracy, there are many ways to express yourself. But violence is the most cowardly, the most gratuitous and that is not acceptable.”

Woerth told France2 television on October 22 that, once the law is passed, “The law is the law, so the protests, the discontent, the concern ... should end the moment the law is voted up”.

The government has moved beyond harsh words to attempts to repress the movement. High levels of violence have been used by police, especially against high school protests. Tear gas and flash ball rounds (a form of rubber bullet) have been fired at students.

On October 20, police used tear gas against a student blockade of the bus depot in Rennes. The students had assembled at 4am to establish a blockade and ensure no buses could move.

About four hours later, riot police began firing tear gas at students. The CGT said students retreated into the depot, where they were treated by the depot’s nurse.

The bus drivers then escorted the students out to avoid their arrest. Drivers, many of whom were also affected by gas, held a meeting and voted to strike for 24 hours.

By October 20, the British Guardian reported that about 1400 people aged between 14 and 20 had been arrested across France and the repression was intensifying. On October 21, riot police hemmed in more than 1000 protesters at Place Bellecour in Lyon, repeatedly firing tear gas into a crowd that was unable to escape.

Strikes have gripped France’s oil industry since September 27, when workers in the oil port of Fos Lavera near Marseilles began indefinite strike action.

Since October 12, oil refining has been almost completely disrupted. Indefinite strikes in all 12 refineries have forced France to rely on strategic reserves of fuel. Blockades by workers and students of fuel depots have added to pressure on reserves.

More than a third of France’s service stations reported they were either low on petrol, or had run out since October 11. On October 20, Sarkozy ordered police to begin breaking blockades on fuel depots and refineries.

Refinery workers were “requisitioned” to return to work and those who fail to do so face prosecution.

On October 22, police successfully reopened some depots, as well as the Granduits refinery that supplies Paris. However, picket lines have been organised as small-scale “flying pickets” able to be redeployed quickly at the same or different locations.

It is also unclear how many oil workers will respond to the requisition orders.

International media coverage has tried to downplay this mass movement’s significance by attributing it to a French propensity to strike. The significance of the attack on pensions has been downplayed by insistence on the “economic necessity” of reducing access to pensions for the future of the French economy.

However, the reforms are extremely significant and the movement against them even more so — for workers in France and internationally.

Under the current system, French workers are entitled to retire from work at 60. However, they are not entitled to the full pension until 65. To qualify for the full pension, workers must first have worked for 40 years.

Under the proposed changes, the retirement age will be raised to 62 and the age at which the full pension can be accessed to 67. The period of work needed to qualify for the full pension will be raised to 41.5 years.

These increases have been justified on concerns that the pensions system, which operates on a pay as you go basis (i.e. the contribution of active workers pays for pension payments to retirees), will become increasingly underfunded as France’s population continues to age.

The ratio of active workers to retirees is expected to fall from 2:1 to 1.25:1 by 2040. As a result, the government predicts the level of underfunding will reach 100 billion euros by 2050.

The movement is opposing the changes on the basis of the impact they will have on workers’ lives. The movement also rejects the government’s economic justifications.

The government argues people need to work longer because they are living longer. However, this ignores the fact that the current minimum age of retirement is already higher than the average age at which French people can expect to live to in good health, which is 59.87 years.

On average, 60% of the years that French people live over 60 are affected by reduced physical or sensory functions.

Raising the minimum retirement age increases the number of those working despite poor health. This will be worsened by the increase in the qualifying period for the full pension, as those unable to work due to illness may risk not qualifying for a full pension.

This will also increase the proportion of workers whose retirement will be marred by poor health.

The changes are seen as particularly unfair to those who enter the work force early and thus already reach the qualifying period for a full pension before the minimum retirement age.

The government has exempted people who start full employment at 17 from the changes, allowing them to still retire at 60. However, those who start work at 18 will have to wait until they are 62 — an extra 2.5 years above the qualifying period.

Extending the period of qualification for a full pension is expected to adversely affect those with interrupted working lives, which will particularly affect women.

The government’s arguments regarding the financial need for the changes are also problematic. They assume the level of productivity in France will remain static, but it is estimated that labour productivity will double by 2040.

The problem is not that there won’t be enough productivity to support the ageing population, it is that capitalists want an ever-increasing share of what is produced.

The European Commission on Economic and Financial Affairs said the wages share of GDP in France has declined from 73.3% in 1985 to 65.4% in 2010. This decline has stripped billions of euros from both workers’ pockets and the pensions system.

Unions have also asked why workers should be made to pay for maintaining the pension system in the first place.

Ultimately, the struggle is about more than France’s pension system.

A defeat in this struggle would open the door for a wider scale attacks on the rights of French working people. However, a victory for the movement could potentially build the confidence of French workers and students to extend their fight to other anti-people policies of the Sarkozy government.

Similar austerity measures are being imposed by governments across Europe in a bid to make working people pay for capitalism’s economic crisis. The outcome of the struggle in France could affect workers’ confidence to resist in other countries.

Despite the protests, the pension bill was passed by the Senate on October 22. It will now be referred to a joint committee of the Senate and the National Assembly to draw up a unified text from the versions of the bill passed in the two bodies.

This text is expected to be presented to the National Assembly for a final vote. Jean-Francois Cope, the head of the Sarkozy’s UMP in the National Assembly, said this is likely to occur on October 26 or 27.

After it is passed by the National Assembly, the bill still needs to be enacted by the president to become law.

The ongoing process of passing the bill into law provides a target for more protests. But it is increasingly clear the government intends to defy the pressure and pass the law.

This makes the question of how to defeat the bill increasingly pressing.

Up until now, the unions and left parties have not had a united concept on the outcome being fought for. Most leaders of the union confederations have aimed to force the government and employers into negotiations.

The more conservative unions, such as the French Confederation of Christian Workers (CFTC), UNSA and the French Confederation of Management-General Confederation of Executives (CFE-CGC) had previously expressed some support for changes to the pension system. They have been pushed into hardening their opposition by the government’s refusal to compromise.

Among the left parties, the opposition Socialist Party (PS), as well as the Communist Party of France (PCF) and the Left Party (PG), have pushed for a national referendum on the reforms.

The United Left (GU), a split from the radical New Anti-Capitalist Party (NPA), has argued that the movement could force new elections.

The far-left NPA and Workers’ Struggle (LO), along with the militant trade union Solidaires, have consistently argued for the need to extend and intensify the strike movement to defeat the government.

NPA spokesperson Olivier Besancenot told l’Humanite on October 18 that the movement’s aim should not be to “rewrite or amend the reform. We need to bury it altogether. We must not give in on the content.”

Besancenot said there needed to be “more effective strike action” for the movement to win. “For my part, I see no other [way], and certainly not a referendum.”

LO’s Nathalie Arthaud said: “What the parliament does, the street can undo if the mobilisation is growing.

“I do not agree with the proposal advanced by the left for a referendum, because retirement at age 60 at full rate is an inalienable right.”

On October 21, the inter-union coordinating committee met to determine the course of the struggle. In the lead up to the meeting, Solidaires called for an expansion and intensification of the strike movement and for the next national mobilisation to occur quickly.

There were also predictions some of the more conservative unions would withdraw from the committee once the Senate passed the pensions bill.

In a joint statement, signed by CFDT, CFE / CGC, CFTC, CGT, FSU and UNSA, the committee called for new mobilisations on October 28 and November 6 to correspond with the vote in the National Assembly and when Sarkozy is expected to promulgate the law, respectively.

Solidaires issued its own statement supporting the days of action. But Solidaires raised concerns that no earlier mobilisation had been called and that the committee’s statement did not clearly endorse the actions initiated by workers at the local level.

Solidaires said the committee was not in step with the developments within the movement, and on this basis, did not sign the statement. Solidaires called for the movement’s intensification, with expanded strikes and walkouts.

The division within the movement is now more open. It is not just activists in Solidaires and the far left parties that have pushed for a more militant position. The movement has been pushed to its current heights in part by the ranks and local leaderships of the other union federations.

The question is now whether these forces are able to maintain the movement’s momentum. At stake is more than just changes to pensions, it is also the issue of just how much of the burden for the economic crisis working people in France and across Europe can be made to carry.

[originally published in Green Left Weekly Issue #858 http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/45821]

Read more...

France: Millions march on October 16 to Defend Pensions

Lisbeth Latham

Millions of people attended protests across France, on October 16, as part the fifth national day of protests against the government’s attacks on pension rights. The protests and strikes demonstrate the widespread opposition within French society to changes to the Pension System that extend people’s working lives. With a final vote on the Bill scheduled for October 20, the government looks set to test the determination workers and students.


Unions are claiming that between 2.5 and 3 million people participated in more than 250 actions on Saturday. While the numbers are down at least 500, 000 people on the estimate for the October 12 protests, it is close to the size of the protests on September 7 and 23 and October 2. The Interior Ministry is claiming that the protests attracted 825, 000 people down from the Ministry’s estimate of 1.2 million for October 12.

Beyond the national strike significant sections of the French economy continue to be disrupted by ongoing strike action which began on October 12, and in the case of French Ports, September 27. Ongoing strikes continue in the SNCF (state rail), in Local Authorities, several academies of Education, industrial factories (such as for metallurgy and chemicals), the Finance Ministry, Postal Services, networks of urban transport and hospitals. All twelve of France’s fuel refineries have been affected by strikes, with eight closed completely. The closure of the refineries, along with a 21 day strike at Fos-Lavara Oil Port and blockades of fuel depots are causing major disruption to France’s Fuel supplies.

Coming out of October 16, indefinite strikes are set to spread. The Fédération Générale des Transports et de l'Equipement - Confédération française démocratique du travail’s (General Federation of Transport and Equipment - French Democratic Confederation of Labour - FGTE-CFDT) announced on October 16 that it would begin an indefinite strike action in France’s trucking industry beginning in the evening on October 17. Maxime Dumont, head of the FGTE-CFDT, told AFP on October 16, “Truckers are happy to join the action. Next week is going to be decisive, everybody knows that”. The Trade Union Solidaire’s (Solidarity) strike bulletin from October 17 also announced that the Departmental Unions of the Confédération générale du travail (General Confederation of Labour – CGT), CFDT, Force Ouvrière (Workers Force – FO), Union nationale des syndicats autonomes (National Union of Autonomous Unions UNSA), Fédération syndicale unitaire (United Union Federation –FSU) and Solidaires (Solidarity), in the Ardennes Region, have called for an indefinite strike in both the private and public sectors beginning October 18.

Students, who have only began mobilising in large numbers since October 12, are set to play an important role in the movement. More than 300, of France’s 4500 Lycées (the second stage of secondary school in the French Education system involving students from the ages of 15-18) have been blockaded since October 12. Police have attacked a number of student protests across France with dozens of students arrested. In response to student mobilisations – the government has raised concerns that students were being manipulated by the unions. The Syndicat Général des Lycéens (General Union of High School Students -SGL) has rejected the government’s criticism arguing “if students are not manipulated when they are commit crimes at 16 years-of-age why would they be manipulated by parties or teachers? No offense to the government, young people who demonstrate are responsible!” The SGL has called on all Lycéen students to take action on October 18 against the pension bill.

Despite the size of the movement, it is clear that the government and its supporters are hoping that passing the Pension Bill will demoralise and demobilise the movement. Labour Minister Eric Woerth told France24, on October 17 that “The turnout is clearly down, but there are still a lot of people in the street. I think the French people have understood that pension reform is essential”. The movement is building towards national strike on October 19 as the last opportunity to place pressure on the government to withdraw the Bill. The leaderships of both the CFDT and CGT have called for the Senate to suspend its debate and for a new dialogue to be initiated between unions, the government and the Mouvement des Entreprises de France (Movement of the French Enterprises – MEDEF). It is however unclear how the inter-union will react if the Bill is passed.

The two largest unions in France are the CFDT and the CGT. The CFDT nationally has resisted the call for intensifying the movement by initiating an indefinite general strike and it is unclear what the leadership would support once the legislation is passed. Bernard Thibault, CGT Secretary General, told Reuters on October 16 "The action is not going to stop because senators have voted. Today we have an even bigger encouragement to continue".

The current policy of the inter-union, which is to call on unions in the enterprise to allow a discussion of the memberships to determine what actions they deem appropriate, does allow space for more militant sections of the movement to push for more militant action – which has already been successful with the indefinite strikes spreading as they have. It will be how these two forces, the national leaderships within the inter-union and the membership in the enterprises, respond to the vote in the Senate that will play an important role in determining the future of France’s pension system.

Read more...

An Explosive Situation: Towards a General Strike

Sandra Demarcq
International Viewpoint


The political situation in France is dominated by the mobilization against the proposed reform of the pension system. This reform is at the heart of Sarkozy’s austerity policy. Although it is presented as an obvious demographic necessity, it is meeting increasing opposition in public opinion.


The mobilization has been growing since the start of the mobilizations in May and the first day of action in June. Since the beginning of September three days of strikes and demonstrations (the 7th and 23rd of September and the 2nd of October) have brought out 3 million people on each occasion. The CGT estimates that 5 million people have participated in the strikes and demonstrations since the start.


On each day of action, we have seen that there are more private sector workers, more young people – even high school students are beginning to mobilise and block their schools - and more radical demands.

Popular rejection of Sarkozy’s policies
The battle against the draft law on pensions also shows a massive rejection of the whole politics of Sarkozy. There is not only the question of the pension, numerous sectors are extremely mobilized, on strike on various topics: post offices, in hospitals, the nurse-anaesthetists, the dockers...

Faced with this resistance, the government is more and more unpopular. These accumulated difficulties are provoking a crisis within the right.

To try to reassert his control, Sarkozy has stressed his racist and security policies, in relation to the Roms in particular. But also in the last few weeks, the government has tried to make people forget the social question by advancing the terrorist danger. But without much success.

Dissatisfaction is growing and the situation is "explosive". Faced with the success of the demonstrations and strike days, the government has not moved and says that nothing will be changed in its proposal. The crisis and the debt are poor excuses to justify the reform.

Sarkozy and his government want their reform. Faced with the determination of the government, many workers know that to win it’s necessary to impose social determination.

Today, in numerous sectors, it is time for an all-out strike. For example in the RATP (Paris public transport system), the SNCF (French national railway company), but also in the chemical and engineering industries there is a possibility of a continuing srike from Tuesday. [1]

We know that the next day of strikes and demonstrations, on Tuesday 12th October, will be a success. And today, the idea that we can win is increasing.

The state of the movement
It is, at the moment, a very political movement. The strike rates are strong but not exceptional. The self-organization of the movement today, is very low. General assemblies in the various sectors have very low participation.

It is a unitarian movement. There is an inter-union coordinating committee [2], which gives the calendar of mobilisations but which is pushed by the intransigence of the government and by the very radical militant teams.

This movement is characterized by a massive refusal of the reform, a spectacular mistrust against the power, against Sarkozy but we don’t know what will be the end result of this confrontation. Everything is possible.

On the political level
The NPA participates with the whole French left including the PS, but without LO, in a unitarian campaign against the pensions reform .

This unitarian campaign, launched by Attac and the Copernic Foundation, is based on the demand of a pension at 60 years for all and the withdrawal of the law.

Although all the left agrees on these two demands, there are several disagreements.

The disagreement over demands is in particular with the Socialist Party. They agree with the demand of 60 years old as retirement age but they defend the idea that workers must work longer to get a full pension. And so they voted with the rightwing deputies for the increase of years worked to qualify for the full pension.

There are also disagreements about the strategy for winning against the government and obtaining the withdrawal of the draft law. There are disagreements with the Socialist Party but also with the Communist Party and Parti de gauche (Left Party). The Socialist Party ask us to wait for the next presidential elections in 2012 and the other political forces demand a referendum, turning the class struggle into an institutional question. They are all refusing the social confrontation necessary to win.

The NPA’s profile
Since the beginning of the mobilization, the NPA has worked in two directions:

The first : to be completely in the unitarian campaign, defending retirement at 60 years old with full pension. We also demand the withdrawal of the law. Olivier is the party spokesperson who has participated at the most unitarian meetings around the country.

For us, the main demand is the redistribution of wealth and the sharing of work. Our profile is clear, since last May we have been working for a massive social and political confrontation.

As the government is very unpopular, one of our demands is to sack Woerth, the labour minister, and president Sarkozy.

Sandra Demarcq is a member of the Executive Committee of the New Anti-Capitalist pary (NPA) in France, and a member of the leadership of the Fourth International.

NOTES


[1] The right to strike is embodied in the French constitution. Trades unions have to give a “warning” (préavis) of a strike for the workers to be considered legally on strike. In these sectors there has been a préavis for a “reconductible” or all-out strike, that is one that is revoted each day by the workers.

[2] [The “intersyndical” brings together the five confederations, including two usually classed on the “right”, CGT, CFDT, FO, CGC and CFTC; the radical union SUD Solidaires with important implantation in the postal, transport and health sectors, FSU and UNSA (teachers and public sector)

Read more...

French Unions Call New National Strike as the Movement to Defend Pensions Continues to Grow

Lisbeth Latham

The inter-union coordinating committee that has led the movement in defence of pensions has announced a new national strike for October 19, to follow the national strike already scheduled on October 16. The call for the next national strike comes as indefinite strikes continue in a large cross section of French industry.


In a statement issued on October 14, the inter-union argued that the mobilisation of 3.5 million workers and students on October 12, the largest of the movement thus far, demonstrated the opposition of workers and the broader public to “unfair and ineffective reforms that exacerbate inequality without ensuring the sustainability of the pension system”. The unions called on their local organisations in both the private and public sector to take united action to amplify the actions on October 16 and 19.

Since October 12, indefinite strikes have continued to operate in wide number of industries. According to the Trade Union Solidaires’ daily strike bulletin indefinite strikes are occurring in the following sectors:

• Oil refining, where the six TOTAL refineries are currently shutdown, 11 of 12 refineries in the country are affected by the strike. \
• The state rail system
• The Autonomous Operator of Parisian Transport as well as public transport in Dunkirk, Clermont -Ferrand, Poitiers, Dijon, Nancy and Marseilles
• Plants in the metallurgy, chemical and glass industries
• The Ministry of Finance
• A number of departments and museums in the Ministry of Culture.
• In a number of local government authorities across France.
• LNG terminals and ports
• Nuclear power plants
• Electricity and Gas distribution
• Education
• Postal Service

AFP reported on October 15, that 300 schools across France had been affected by student protests with clashes reported to have occurred between students and police in Paris and Caanes. In its October 15 strike Bulletin Solidaires condemned police violence directed towards high school students.

The October 19 strike will occur a day before the scheduled final vote on the Pension Bill in the Senate, the inter-union will meet on again on October 21 to plan the next initiatives in the campaign.

Read more...

France: Massive Protests Oppose French Pensions Bill

Lisbeth Latham

Workers and students mobilised in their millions on October 12 in the fourth and largest mobilisation in the last month against laws that will reduce the pension entitlements of French workers. The protests and strikes come as the French Senate has begun passing aspects of the pension bill that will see an increase in the retirement age from 60 to 62 years of age and increase the qualifying period that workers must work to receive a full pension. The mobilisation demonstrates an increasing polarisation over who should pay the price of the economic crisis in France as the country heads towards another national strike on October 16.



As with previous protests the size of the protests has been heavily contested, with the government attempting to downplay the level of public support and unions emphasising the extent they reflect broader public anger. Unions estimate that 3.5 million people participated in 244 protests in cities and towns across France, a significant increase on the 3 million people estimated to have joined each of the previous two mobilisations on October 2 and September 23. According to AFP France’s Interior Ministry announced that with the Paris protests yet to come, half a million people had participated, substantially down from its estimates of 883, 000 and 997, 000 for October 2 and September 23 respectively. However the Interior Ministry’s final estimate was 1.23 million people.

According to unions the growth in numbers primarily came from two sources: workers in the private sector and students.

According to the Confédération générale du travail (General Confederation of Workers – CGT) substantially larger numbers of private sector workers participated in the strike, including non-union members. In some companies the rate of participation was as high as 80% of staff. One of the most significant developments was in the oil industry with strikes occurring at 11 of the country’s 12 oil refineries.

There was a substantial increase in the number of university and high school students participating in the mobilisations, with tens of thousands joining protests, and at least 400 schools closed as a consequence of staff and student action. The government has attempted to paint students as the ones with the most gain from the reduction in pension rights, arguing that it will reduce the size of the pension system that they will have to support. However students, entering the workforce will face a longer working life than their parents, and the fear that the delay in the retirement of older workers will further exacerbate France’s youth unemployment rate of 24 percent.

The media has made much of the entry of students into movement, raising the spectre of the movement of May-June ’68, however of more concern will be the more recent movement against the First Employment Contract in 2005-2006. This legislation would have dramatically reduced the rights of young people entering the work force for the first time. During this campaign students shut down their campuses for months, with almost permanent street demonstrations that were punctuated by large union protests. These mobilisations were successful in defeating the legislation.

Adding to the threat of student mobilisation, has been the decision of union members in a number of industries including oil, rail, ports and a number of government services to begin indefinite strike action. The strike by oil workers poses a real possibility of substantial fuel shortages across in the coming days.

While unions such as the CGT and Solidaires are calling for the strike movement to be spread, other unions have raised concerns that an intensification of the movement risks alienating the broader public and providing President Sarkozy with an opportunity to rebuild his flagging electoral fortunes through a shattering defeat of the unions. Confédération française des travailleurs chrétiens (French Confederation of Christain Workers) has opposed indefinite strikes, and stated that the union's members in the rail system will not participate in the indefinite strikes. The BBC reported on October 12, that Francois Chereque, Secretary General of the Confédération française démocratique du travail (French Democratic Confederation of Labour - CFDT) as saying "The large majority of employees cannot afford to pay for repeated days of strikes.

However, as was been pointed out by the Trade Union Solidaires in the leadup to October 12"A few days of strikes to not lose years of free time, it's worth it, right? The strike will cost money, that's undeniable. But the implementation of this bill will cost more! Directly, through reduced pensions and indirectly through further significant reductions in the social system due to the door that would be opened by defeat on this issue".

With the government already pushing the legislation through the Senate and with the Senate approving the increase in minimum retirement age from 60 to 62 on October 8. Failure by the movement to lift the intensity of the movement is likely to find the government growing in confidence in its ability to ride out the movement. Faced with government intransigence and more than 67% public support for an intensified industrial campaign, and the momentum build up in the struggle since April, the unions are in a strong position to push the movement forward. As a statement issued by the Solidaires on October 12 says, “There is no time to lose: now is the time to harden and expand the movement to win”.

While the immediate focus of the media is on the outcome of the government’s attempt to wind back France’s welfare state, there is far more at stake. The determination of the government to cut pensions so soon after it provided massive bailouts to the banks and business to help them recover from the Global Financial Crisis, risks a far deeper radicalisation with the possibility of the unions and social movements going on the offensive if they are successful in defeating the Pension Bill.

The inter-union coordinating commitee, which has lead campaign, is scheduled to meet on October 14 to plan actions coming out of the next national strike on October 16. The response on October 16, in the wake of October 12 and the localised indefinite strike, and the actions initiated on October 14 will be important tests of the capacity of the movement to win.

Read more...