In Tunisia and Egypt the revolutions are underway

Statement by the Bureau of the Fourth International
Fourth International
International Viewpoint
January 2011

“The most indubitable feature of a revolution is the direct interference of the masses in historical events. In ordinary times the state, be it monarchical or democratic, elevates itself above the nation, and history is made by specialists in that line of business - kings, ministers, bureaucrats, parliamentarians, journalists. But at those crucial moments when the old order becomes no longer endurable to the masses, they break over the barriers excluding them from the political arena,(...). The history of a revolution is for us first of all a history of the forcible entrance of the masses into the realm of rulership over their own destiny.”

Leon Trotsky, Preface to History of the Russian Revolution

The situation as with any revolution is changing from hour to hour. Any evaluation will undoubtedly be overtaken by events within a few hours or days. But already we can say that the Tunisia and Egyptian people are writing the first pages of the revolutions of the 21st century. They are sending shock waves throughout the Arab world, from Algiers to Ramallah, from Amman to Sana’a in Yemen. These revolutions result, within the particular historical conditions of this society, from the crisis that is shaking the world capitalist system. The “poverty riots” are combined with an immense mobilisation for democracy. The effects of the world economic crisis combined with the oppressive dictatorships, are making these countries the weak links in imperialist domination in the current situation. They are creating the conditions for the opening of processes of social and democratic revolution.

Demonstrations, strikes, mass meetings, self-defence committees, mobilisations by trade unions and civil associations, mobilisation of all the popular classes, “those below” and “those in the middle” who are swinging over into insurrection, “those above who can no longer rule as before”, convergence between parties from the radical opposition against the system, these are all the ingredients of a pre-revolutionary or revolutionary situation that is today ready to explode.

It is today the turn of Egypt to see hundreds of thousands of workers, young people and unemployed stand up against the dictatorship of Mubarak.

In Tunisia, a bloody dictatorship was cut down. It was the focus of the hatred of a whole society; the popular classes and especially of youth. The Ben Ali regime, its repression, its corruption, a system supported by all the imperialist powers, France, the USA, the European Union, had to be thrown out.

It is this same movement that is sweeping through Egypt today.

There are, of course, historical differences between the two countries. Egypt is the most populous country in the Arab world. It has a decisive geostrategic place in the Middle East. The structures of the State, the institutions, and the role of the Army are different there. But it is the same basic movement that is affecting the two countries.

The Tunisian masses could longer stand an economic system - “a good pupil of the world economy” according to Mr. Strauss-Kahn - which starved them. The explosion of the prices of basic foodstuffs, unemployment of almost 30%, and hundreds of thousands of trained and qualified young people without jobs constituted fertile ground for the growth of a social revolt that, combined with a political crisis, led to a revolution.

There were dramatic price rises for all essential products, including rice, wheat and corn, between 2006 and 2008. The price of rice tripled in five years, passing from approximately $600 per ton in 2003 to more than $1800 per ton in May 2008.

The recent increase in the price of the grain is illustrated by a jump of 32% recorded during second half of 2010 in the compound index of food prices.

The big rise in prices of sugar, cereals and oilseed products took world food prices to record levels in December, exceeding those of 2008, which had started riots throughout the world.

At the same time, the IMF and the WTO are demanding the lifting of all tariff barriers and an end to all food subsidies.

The recent speculative rise in food prices encouraged a worldwide development of famine on an unprecedented scale, which is hitting a series of countries in Africa and the Arab world.

Egypt has also experienced the effects of this explosion of food prices. The economy does not create enough jobs to provide for the population’s needs. The neoliberal policies implemented since 2000 have caused an explosion of inequalities and the impoverishment of millions of families. Nearly 40% of the 80 million Egyptians continue to live on less than two dollars per day. And 90% of the unemployed are young people under 30.

The other remarkable thing is that the Egyptian national trade-union federation – led by members of the government – has partly withdrawn its support for the government in the two weeks since the Tunisian insurrection. They wanted price controls, wage rises and a system of subsidised distribution of foodstuffs; the people not being able to obtain basic necessities such as tea or oil. That the union leaders should demand this is unprecedented because they have been convinced neo-liberal supporters. That is the impact of the Tunisian events.

In Tunisia, this revolution has deep roots. The current social movement is the result of a cycle of mobilisations and movements which draw their strength from the history of the struggles of the Tunisian people and its organisations, in particular, many associations for human rights and democratic freedoms and trade unions like many sectors of the UGTT (General Union of the Tunisian Workers):

- the fight of certain personalities for freedom of expression and to travel in 1999,

- the high-school students’ movement in 2000,

- the mobilisations against the war in Iraq in 2001,

- the second Intifadah in 2002-2003,

- strikes and demonstrations in Gafsa in 2008,

- Ben Guerdane in June 2010,

- Sidi Bouzid, which at the end of 2010 opened up the way for the revolution.

It is a historical movement that started with this combination of social revolt and overthrowing a dictatorship but which today seeks to go further. It is a radical democratic revolution that has anticapitalist social demands.

Ben Ali had to flee, but the essence of his gangster system stayed in place. The force of the mobilisation has constrained the former Ben Ali supporters to leave the government gradually but, as we are writing this statement, the Prime Minister is still the Ben Ali supporter Ghannouchi.

The revolution wants to go further: “RCD out! ”, “Ghannouchi out! ”, behind these demands, it is the whole of the political system, all the institutions, all the repressive apparatus that should be eradicated. It is necessary to finish with the whole Ben Ali system, and to establish all democratic rights and freedoms: right of free expression, right to strike, right to demonstrate, pluralism of associations, trade unions and parties; abolish the presidency and install a provisional revolutionary government!

Getting rid of the dictatorship and of all operations that want to protect the power of the ruling classes means today opening a process of free elections for a constituent Assembly. This process must be based on the organisation of committees, councils, coordination and popular councils that have emerged from the process if it is not to be confiscated by a new oligarchic regime.

In this process, the anticapitalists will defend the key demands of a programme breaking with imperialism and capitalist logic: satisfaction of the vital needs of the popular classes - bread, wages, jobs; reorganization of the economy on the basis of fundamental social needs - free and adequate public services, schools, health, women’s rights, radical land reform, socialization of the banks and key sectors of the economy, broadening social protection for unemployment, health and retirement, cancellation of the debt, national and popular sovereignty. This is the programme of a democratic government that would be at the service of the workers and the population.

At the same time, whether it is to organize the defence of the districts, to drive out RCD leaders of state administration or big companies, to reorganize the distribution of the food substances, workers and young people are organising their own assemblies and committees. The most combative sectors and most radical must support, stimulate, organize and coordinate all these self-organisation structures. They are something to build on to establish a democratic power of the popular classes.

In Egypt, at the time we are writing this statement, the country is in a state of insurrection. In spite of bloody repression, the waves of mobilisation of the people develop. Hundreds of thousands of demonstrators are in the streets of Cairo, Alexandria and Suez. The party office of the ruling NDP and symbols of the regime have been attacked. The hatred for the Mubarak system, the total rejection of corruption, and the demand for satisfaction of vital social demands against price rises have provoked and stimulated the mobilisation of all the popular classes. The regime is vacillating. The Army leadership supported by the USA has tried a "self-managed coup" putting Omar Suleiman, head of the secret services and pillar of the current regime, alongside Mubrak as vice-president. The army is strained. There have been scenes of fraternisation between the people and the soldiers but faced with the determination of the Egyptians the Army leadership could also choose confrontation and harsh repression. The demand of the millions in the streets is crystal clear: Mubarak must go, but it is the whole dictatorship, the whole repressive apparatus that must be brought down and a democratic process with all rights and freedoms set in place. The call for a day of mobilisation on 1st February is the next step.

In Egypt too, it is necessary to finish with dictatorship and to found a democratic process with all the rights and fundamental democratic liberties.

The current movement is the most important since the 1977 bread riots but here again it has deep roots.

For the last 30 years Mubarak has maintained a dictatorial regime, imprisoning and murdering his opponents, suppressing any independent expression of the social movement and political opposition. The electoral masquerade of November 2010, entirely controlled by the NDP which won more than 80% of the seats, is the latest example. In the last few years there have been important strike movements particularly of the textile workers of El-Mahalla, general strikes and demonstrations and protests by different social categories, big anti-imperialist mobilisations against the military occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan in 2004, marking the disavowal and isolation of a regime that is held up only by support of the USA and the European Union.

Egypt is, with Israel and Saudi Arabia, one of the three pillars of imperialist policy in the region. The USA, Israel and Europe will do everything they can to prevent Egypt escaping from their zone of influence and will do everything they can to oppose a revolutionary development of the protests.

The Tunisian revolution set the Arab world ablaze. It is also for a whole generation their first revolution. Everything can change today with the rising of the Egyptian people. The mobilisation will undoubtedly have repercussions through the region, in particular encouraging the Palestinians despite the shameful statement of Mahmoud Abbas.

We have to build a solidarity wall around the revolutionary processes which developing in Tunisia and Egypt, supported by active solidarity with the mobilisations throughout the Arab world. We cannot ignore the possibility of bad blows from the repressive apparatus of Ben Ali, or the threats of his friend Gaddafi. Also, if the regime decides on confrontation the Army leaders could unleash bloody repression.

Faced with the deepening of the revolutionary process, the western powers and the ruling classes will try to take back control by breaking this immense hope.

The Tunisian and Egyptian people must be able to count on the whole of the international labour movement, on all the global justice movement. In the trade unions, associations, the left parties, we must support the fights of these peoples and the revolt thundering through the Arab world.

Live the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions!

Solidarity with the fights in the Arab world!

Bureau of the Fourth International

8pm in Paris

30th of January 2011

-The Fourth International - an international organisation struggling for the socialist revolution - is composed of sections, of militants who accept and apply its principles and programme. Organised in separate national sections, they are united in a single worldwide organisation acting together on the main political questions, and discussing freely while respecting the rules of democracy.

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Tunisia: Continue the Revolution to Achieve Its Objectives

by the 14th of January Front
MRZine

No to the Continuation of Tyranny, No to Foreign Intervention

While the Tunisian masses have been continuing their sit-in in the Qasbah Government Square, and tens of thousands of Tunisians have been marching in Sfax, Tunis, Sidi Bouzid, Jendouba, Nabeul, and other parts of the country, to bring down the "national unity government," a modified government led by Mohamed Ghannouchi has been imposed on us. The imposition bears the hallmarks of the interference by US Assistant Secretary of State Feltman. This government is the continuation of the dictatorship and tyranny, refusing to hear the voice of the people; it obeys the dictates of imperialist forces of America and Europe that have subjected our country to unemployment, impoverishment, and marginalization.

Therefore, the "14th of January Front" declares the following:

1. Rejection of the "national unity government," as amended to circumvent the people's revolution and demands and aspirations.
2. Rejection of any US, European, or other tutelage on the destinies of our people and our country.
3. Call for the formation of a "provisional government" acceptable to the people, which should result from a national congress to defend the revolution, consisting of:
   

• All political parties, associations, trade unions, human rights and cultural organizations, and independent individuals who support the demands of the people's revolution and struggle to achieve them.
• Representatives of the forces created by the revolution in all areas of the country through the councils or committees or associations formed at the initiative of the masses.
• Representatives of the Tunisian associations and organizations abroad who have resisted the dictatorship and supported the revolution in Tunisia.
  

4. The mission of "the National Congress to Defend the Revolution" consists of drafting laws to
create a climate of complete freedom for the Tunisian people by repealing the laws contrary
to freedom and suspending the constitutional articles which negate freedoms and the
principle of popular sovereignty until the enactment of a new constitution.

5. The tasks of the "provisional government" are the following:

• To manage daily affairs.
• To dissolve the appointed representative bodies.
• To dismantle the ruling party and its militia, to expropriate its properties, and to bring to justice those who engaged in economic and political crimes.
• To dismantle the political police.
• To appoint interim officials of the diplomatic corps, governorates, delegations, and sectors of Tunisia to carry out the tasks of the transitional period.
• To prepare the election of a constituent assembly in an atmosphere of freedom. This assembly should represent all the vital forces in the country after agreement on the mode of representation (adopting proportional representation) that avoids exclusion.
• To hold the constituent assembly, which will draft a new civil, modern, and democratic constitution for the Republic of Tunisia that fulfills the Tunisian people's aspirations for freedom, equality, social justice, and dignity.
  

In declaring these positions, the 14th of January Front warns the "national unity government" against pursuing any repressive measure against the sit-in in Qasbah and the protesters all over the country.

The Front calls for the continuation of the mobilization, standing by the masses and uniting with all the democratic political forces of the nation as well as all the organizations, groups, associations, and independent individuals struggling to achieve the objectives of the people's revolution, in honor of the martyrs and in fidelity to their will.

Tunisia, 28 January 2011

The 14th of January Front
The original statement in Arabic is available at the Web site of the Tunisian Communist Workers Party. Cf. "Tunisia: The Founding Statement of the 14th of January Front" (MRZine, 25 January 2011)

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Tunisia: The social and democratic revolution is on the march!

Fathi Chamkhi
International Viewpoint
January 2011

The Tunisian popular masses have just made erupted onto the political scene in a spectacular fashion! They have succeeded, after 29 days of a social and democratic revolution, in driving out the dictator Ben Ali! This is a great victory!

It is a great day for us all, which we share with all those who are fighting against the world capitalist order! Above all, we have re-conquered our dignity and our pride, which for a long time had been ridiculed and dragged through the mud by the dictatorship. Now, we have a new Tunisia to build: free, democratic and social.


But right now the counter- revolution is on the march! Ben Ali has fallen from power but his regime, although destabilized and weakened, is trying to maintain itself in place. The Destourian party/state is still there, and so are its liberal capitalist economic and social policies.

This regime, which is presented as an example of a “star pupil” by the international financial institutions, this regime which bled the Tunisian popular masses for 23 years, for the benefit o f an international capital that is greedy for profits, while enriching a minority of families, grouped around the government and organized in gangster clans, must go. That is what we want!

We refuse the attempt that is under way aimed at confiscating our revolution. This operation is being presented under the formula of a “government of national unity”, with which this illegitimate regime is trying to hang on to power.

At the same time, the defeated regime has unleashed its over-armed militias, including the personal guard of Ben Ali, which are sowing terror in the big cities of the country, in particular in Tunis and its suburbs. Groups coming from the disinherited and famished masses are also taking advantage of the current chaos to help themselves in the supermarkets: in particular Carrefour and Geant. Bands of looters are positioning themselves along the principal roads of the country, making it dangerous to travel! Basic products are starting to be in short supply or are non-existent: bread, milk, medicine…

The regime, which has demobilized the police force in the cities and the National Guard in the countryside, is letting all this happen, taking advantage of the chaos to impose its own solutions. The introduction of the curfew and the deployment of the army – which lacks manpower and which has never had to face this kind of situation before - do nothing but worsen the fear, since it is during the night that the armed militias act! Everywhere, citizens are trying to organize their own defence, often in coordination with the army. Thousands of “popular citizens’ defence committees” are being set up to defend the population.

Only the establishment of a provisional government, without any representative of the Destourian regime, which will have the responsibility of preparing free and democratic elections, regulated by a new electoral code, for a constituent assembly, will be able to allow Tunisians take control of their destiny again, and to establish, in their country, an order that is just and beneficial to the mass of the population.

If the people aspire one day to live, destiny can only yield to their will!

Tunis, January 15, 2011

----------------------------------------------------------------------
-Fathi Chamkhi organizes RAID (Assembly for Alternative International Development)-ATTAC and the Committee for the Abolition of Third World Debt (CADTM) in Tunisia

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Tunisia a Revolution in Progress

Below is rough translation of a briefing paper on Tunisia issued by the International Commission of the militant trade union Solidaires.

International Commission
Solidarity and Internationalism
January 2011

The tragic death of Mohamed Bouazizi, 17 December last, was the starting point of a wave of struggles unprecedented since fighting for independence. This act symbolized, indeed, all ills Tunisia. He was a young, who like many others, he had no real job prospects and had to settle for a small job to survive.

Millions of Tunisian recognized themselves in him, and especially young people felt this to a greater degree. The event that triggered his action was the seizure of his stock of fruits and vegetables by the police under the pretext he sold them without permission. And perhaps most importantly, the fact that he was publicly humiliated and beaten by authorities when he tried to recover his stock.


Being subjected to such arbitrary practices has been the daily lot of Tunisians for decades. To avoid such practices, it was necessary to take the path of image of the ruling party (the RCD - Constitutional Democratic Rally), to bribe the mafia and conspicuously display the photo of the president.

For years, this system was able to function: the vast majority of the population was terrorized by an organisation whose size exceeded the number of school teachers, informed by a multitude of informers receiving in return a few crumbs. Tens of thousands have had their lives broken by the prison and torture.

The culmination of a cycle of struggle
This single gesture of despair by Mohamed would probably not lead to a revolution if it had not entered in the cycle of struggles begun in the mining area of Gafsa Redeyef in 2008. These symbolise all the flaws of the regime, which could not be seen at the time, present throughout the rest of the country. It finds, however similar ingredients:

Massive unemployment, caused by the frantic mechanisation of the mining of phosphates, for jobless there was no hope of re-entering the workforce in this region with a mono-industry, which once saw workers flowing into it both from Tunisia and neighbouring countries.

Corruption, with competitive examinations to enter mining rigged by the mafia in power of competitive examinations in mining, was the cause of the massive mobilisation of people, especially youth.

In the struggle against repression, Tunisian trade unionists found themselves elbow to elbow with lawyers and human rights activists in refusing to compromise with the authorities. In the years that followed, several local social explosions took place, but they also remained isolated.

In late December 2010, fear has suddenly changed sides
Very quickly after the gesture of the young Sidi Bouzid, mobilizations were held at the site and in other regions. This movement was marked by several characteristics:

1. The slogans of the demonstrations have evolved very rapidly
Dominated the early emotion and anger, then quickly have expressed social demands:
“Work is a right, work is not charity! " They are combined with democratic claims“Freedom!”, “Interior Ministry, Terrorist Ministry!”.

Gradually, the watchwords have taken a more political character, denouncing the mafia in power: “Gang of thieves! Trabelsi! Bandits! (Trabelsi is the surname of the wife of Ali bin) “No President for Life!” “Police, wake up and join the fight”. All of which are synthesised in the slogans such as “Bread, water, yes, but not Ben Ali, Ben Ali, out!”

There were no Islamist slogans to be heard, unlike the scarecrow stirred for previous 23 years by Ben Alito justify his dictatorship.

2. Multiple sectors of the population entered in the action: unemployed, unionists, lawyers, human rights activists, journalists, feminists, artists, high school and university students etc.

3. These mobilizations have affected the entire country, unlike what in 2008 with that of mining area of Gafsa, and then for other local explosions.

4. For once, the mobilizations were known fairly quickly abroad, some media being referring to Ben Ali as the Ceausescu of Tunisia. Their impact is particularly significant in other Arab countries that suffer the brunt of the financial crisis and the policies of the IMF and the World Bank.

5. Part of the international political establishment has begun to make their prudish distance (USA, European Union). The Sarkozy government and part of the Socialists have persisted until the last day in their support for this plan.

Political forces in Tunisia
The dictator gone, it remains as to how power should be exercised and how politics is to be conducted.
Before the time of Ben Ali, during the time of the two presidents following independence, a single political party, the RCD, consisted of local militias and money. The RCD party: it has been for forty years one-party state, combining the features of the former dictatorships of Eastern Europe and neoliberal policies closely linked to the Western world.

This system has enabled a veritable looting of the country by the family and in-laws of the President. He also permitted the maintenance of a large customer is seeking to enrich themselves, or simply survive by accepting in exchange, singing the praises of the regime or participating in the heavy policing of the rest of the population. All this has not prevented the RCD being, for years the official section of the Socialist International!

In this type of mafia system, the space for other political parties has so far been singularly reduced.

a) The small satellite parties of the Ben Ali regime: their main function was to convince foreigners looking for excuses to support the dictatorship, that pluralism existed. They play no role in the current political debate.

b) The legal opposition agreed periodically to "dialogue" with power, in exchange for some parliamentary seats. Most sought until the end to find arrangements with Ben Ali. After his fall, they then accepted, at least momentarily, the Ministerial positions that have been offered. Found in this Category: Ettajdid Ahmed Brahim (former Tunisian Communist Party who followed a pattern similar to that of its Italian counterpartclosely linked to France through the ATF (Association of Tunisians in France);

• the FDTL (Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties) of Ben Jaafar (advisory member of the Socialist International and who will certainly become the official section after the official expulsion of the party of Ben Ali two days after he fled the country);


• Progessive Democratic Party of Maya Jribi and Najib Chebbi.


• You can add the PSG, a short period part of the far left. It was very quickly recognized the "new-old" authorities, and defended the government established after the fall Ben Ali.
  

c) The underground opposition had two main streams:

• The Islamists have suffered a merciless repression under Ben Ali: 30 000 were imprisoned and often do not stay in Tunisia outside prison but in underground, the militants of al-Nahda and a Salafi current, mainly targets the situation in other countries, particularly Iraq.
  
  In the actions, Ennahada denies wanting to use violence, and this trend has pronounced publicly (As at a meeting in Paris on January 15) for equal rights between men and women. Under the dictatorship, Ennahda did not hesitate to work within the 18 October Coalition with the forces of the legal secular-left (PDP FDTL), or even a Marxist like PCOT (Tunisian Workers' Communist Party). This current raises fears especially among youth and women, about sincerity of its evolution on secularism and women’s rights.


• Several groups or networks, who played for years a major role in the struggles against the former regime, particularly in the context of UGTT and UGET [1], have recently regrouped under the name “January 14 Front”. The are for the most part currents with origins in Marxist-Leninist (eg Trotskyist or Arab nationalist left. The old Marxist-Leninist, and for a time President of the Tunisian League of Human Rights, did not participate in this front.


• “Green Tunisia” of Zitouni was established in 2004, closely linked to the European Green Parties.
  

A powerful social movement
As often happens in dictatorships is the social movement that has played, in fact, the role of counter power. They included most of those venturing past dozens of years to raise their heads proudly against the dictatorship: unionists, activists of the legal and illegal left, lawyers, students, feminists, artists, Journalists, human rights activists, etc.

A large number had been imprisoned and / or torture, and yet does not renounce the struggle, not hesitating not to openly defy the cops and spies who were following their footsteps. Many knew of long and complex networks which mixed pell-mell political affiliations current or past, family ties, geographic origins, etc..including:

• Associations for the Defence of Human Rights, resulting in a complex mix between lawyers, trade unionists, former political prisoner, intellectua, members of legal and illegal political organisations: LTDH (Ligue tunisienne des droits de l'Homme - Tunisian League of Human Rights); CNLT ( Conseil national pour les libertés en Tunisie - National Council for Freedoms in Tunisia); AISPP (Association internationale de soutien des prisonniers politiques - International Association for Support of Political Prisoners), Liberté et équité (Freedom and Equality); ALTT (Association de lutte contre la torture en Tunisie - Association of Struggle Against Torture in Tunisia); Amnesty International; etc.


• Feminist associations, such as l'ATFD (Association tunisienne des femmes démocrates - Tunisian Association of Democratic Women) mainly driven by very secular intellectuals opposed to the Islamists.
• Journalists and Internet users working through the media relaying propaganda against the regime.
• Dissident artists, like the famous "Al General", the film associations from the theater world, since 1999 grouped around a platform of cultural action and anti-capitalist alternative.
• Within this social movement, one returns to the central trade union movement whose structures, activist resources and premises, opponents to Ben Ali often used establish a base for the rest of the social movement.
  
  

The Role of Labour
The UGTT, the sole trade union centre, was the origin of the Tunisian national movement time of In Tunisia, everyone claims Hached Ferhat, a founder of Tunisian unionism who was assassinated in 1952 by the far right with the help of colonial French secret service. The UGTT is largely a child of the French CGT (), but a break occurred in the postwar period, following the refusal of the PC and PS to support the claim of independence. The UGTT was then closer to the nationalist movement embodied by Bourguiba, also affiliated with Socialist International. The history is the result of complex interactions between UGTT and the Tunisian State.

Once in power, Bourguiba sought to use the prestige of UGTT to establish its domination, where a perpetual informal struggle occurred over the direction of the UGTT between two great currents:

• A current bidding for power at times ranging up to a quasi-integration within the state apparatus. It followed a series of bribes, such as parliamentary positions. In return, the confederal leadership called for votes in elections for the party in power, and sought to curb the struggles.
• A current of resistance to power, controlling some federations such as the powerful federations education, postal and telecommunications as well as some local and regional structures.The premises of these structures were often used as a base for much of social and/or political opposition. This movement played a decisive role in strikes, rallies and protests that resulted in the fall of the dictatorship.
• In between the two, a range of positions ranging between the two poles.

To give two examples: The secretary of UGTT for the region of Gafsa was simultaneously MP in Ben Ali’s party and boss of companies engaged in subcontracting work for the mining of phosphates. He was personally involved in the shenanigans regarding recruitments in the mines for the benefit of members of his tribe. Faced with popular mobilization against this injustice, it is simply suspended Local trade unionists who were involved in the mobilisation. And to top it all, it was officially supported by the national leadership of the Union Centre, the official in charge of the case was of the same tribe as himself, and presented the popular mobilizations as the work of dangerous extremists! The green light was given and repression against members of his own trade union organization that were imprisoned and some of them tortured. But simultaneously another part of the UGTT, whose unions in Education and Post & Telecommunications [2] took up the cause for Redeyef Gafsa defendants. Finally, the centre was forced to give their positions to the Redeyef unionists n the eve of the trial, including financial support to them and their families.

The Regional Union of Tunis, as it should be, is the main inter-professional structure of the UGTT confederation [3]. Long subservient to power, it had recently switched to being critic, at least part of the regime. It is o wonder that under these circumstances, the 27 December rally in the prestigious square in front of the headquarters of the UGTT earned the Secretary General of the UGTT a public repudiation nominally denouncing the union's general secretary of secondary education union who had spoken at protests and raised hostile slogans against Ben Ali chanted by the demonstrators [4]. A sign of the times was the posting on the Union Centre the December 30 statement by the French Inter-Union clearly denouncing the regime, and supporting the unionists who had protested on December 27 [5].

After a vigorous internal debate, the majority supported the other direction, with a January 4 statement supporting the movement [6]. Then on January 11, made a call giving unions, at the local regional and sectoral level throughout the country to call strikes [7]. Three representatives of the UGTT had been nominated by the General Secretariat to serve in the first government following the fall of Ben Ali. The Administrative Commission of the UGTT on January 18 [8] and on January 21 required the Government’s resignation [9].

The Role of International Solidarity
For many years, exiled Tunisians have patiently participated in construction organizations in solidarity with the struggles for human rights, such as the FTCR or CRDLHT [10]. Refusing to retreat into communalism, resolutely secular, they have tirelessly sought to involve the militants from other countries. Featuring a dual culture, and sometimes a double nationality, and they were indeed aware a part of the fight was played in the former colonial power. Faced the close economic ties, political and financial ties between the haves and politicians from both sides, it was the close economic, political and financial between the haves and politicians from both sides, it was necessary to isolate the regime of Ben Ali with the convergent action of the exploited, oppressed and defenders of human rights in different countries.

In order to circumvent censorship, they have gathered information published documentation, , organized meetings, rallies, demonstrations, etc. They have made many contributions, along with French and Moroccan organisations, the formation of the North African Solidarity Collective which is also involved with Sidi Bouzid Partners. They have helped French unions to get involved in this fight.

French Trade Unionism and Tunisia
The links between French trade unionism and Tunisian trade unionism are old. Given our history recent links of the Trade Union Solidarity are less old. They rely on irregular exchanges some structures as clearly opposed to power since 2002, between of postal and telecommunications and since 2008 with those of education, Redeyef etc. Acceleration occurred recently at the sectoral level. In February 2011, a Tunisian trade unionist working a call centre participates, for example, in a workshop on this during the World Social Forum in Dakar.

This acceleration occurred also between French unions, with the establishment about two years ago, a collective of trade union support for the struggles in Tunisia involving the CGT, CFDT, FSU, UNSA and Solidaires, which FO recently joined [11]. Organizations run by exiles Tunisians have played a major role in the establishment of the French inter-union collective, organized meticulously our trips to Tunisia, restarting every time when necessary. Overall, French Centres, have made four or five trips to Gafsa, along with exciting exchanges in Tunis with various structures of the UGTT, the LTDH, lawyers etc... The welcome of the management of the UGTT Confederation was generally limited to the “bare minimum”. They once even refused to receive the French inter-union, declaring they considered their presence as a hostile act towards the UGTT.

Build the solidarity movement
Tunisia's fate rests fundamentally on the development of popular mobilization within the country. But the Tunisian activists in Tunisia and France, more than ever are in urgent need of solidarity from the French trade union movement. They expect us to increase pressure on the French authorities, who were compromised, until the last day, with Ben Ali. Minister Alliot-Marie even suggesting the French Police aid Ben Ali! [12].

The French government and employers are now possible to ensure that the former regime can continue to exist without the dictator. They are closely linked to the Mafia who plundered the country for decades thanks to the combined pressure of unemployment and repression, they were able to have a qualified workforce at a low price. For them all this must continue.

If Ben Ali's plane was turned back, it was only because the French government was afraid of
It avoids having to respond with extradition requests in the near future. If measures have been announced against capital tied to the Ben Ali regime, it is for the same reason, we act so these measures are effectively implemented. For activists in Tunisia and France to also ensure that the property of Ben Ali in these two countries be returned to the Tunisian people.

The link between our partners is not always the greatest simplicity. The secular left current
for the first time with Ennhada under the collective Sidi Bouzid. This made it more difficult to link with groups of young Tunisians living in France, including collective of students, anxious for autonomy, involving women, hostile or reluctant to with Ennhada. These contradictions are present in the various initiatives of solidarity and also partially overlapping inter-generational questions.

Some emergency measures
Most Tunisian organizations present in France have agreed to jointly promote a number of immediate demands. Several French organizations, including the Trade Union , have decided to support them in their approach. This platform is based on the following:

• Democratic rights
• General amnesty and the right to return of all exiles.
• Immediate implementation of freedom of the press, freedom of association and availability of means of free expression and the free functioning, immediate implementation of freedom of assembly and demonstration.
• Recognition of all political parties without exception.
  
• Dismantling the party-state
• Restitution of public property abroad captured by the RCD with, for example, the provision of Local Parisian the 36th street in Botzaris Tunisian democratic associations
• Strict separation of state and the RCD, which involves seizing the premises of the RCD, the end entirely the available the resources of state personnel, vehicles and premises, and the dissolution of the RCD cells.
  
• Purging and Repair
• Arrest, indictment of those responsible for abuses against protesters, trade unionists and political activists.
• Truly independent investigative commission on abuses and compensating the families of the martyrs of freedom.
• Freeze the assets of the family and entourage of the dictator Ben Ali, an independent panel on corruption and the implementation procedures for both national and international recovery the stolen property to the Tunisian people
  
• Measures for unemployed
• Implementation of immediate financial measures for the unemployed, particularly unemployed graduates.

• Women's Rights
• Preservation and enlargement of acquired rights and freedoms of women, including the CSP (Code of Personal Status)
  
• Establishing a new regime
• A transparent and democratic constitutional process with the establishment of a broad debate for the development of a new constitution ending the anti-democratic presidential system of 1959, the election of a Constituent Assembly and submission to ratification by referendum of the people of this new Constitution.
  

1 - General Union of Tunisian Students
2 - In 2009, the general union of secondary education had 55 000 members, for a total of 82
000 employees. Rate unionization in post and telecommunications was around 50%.
3 - Greater Tunis has about 3 million inhabitants, for a Tunisian population of 10 million.
4 - Article published in the press on 28 December 2010 and posted on the website of the
Centre www.echaab.info.tn/news.asp?id=9142
5 - Statement of the French inter-union 30 December
http://www.echaab.info.tn/news.asp?
6 - UGTT statement of 4 January 2011 www.ugtt.org.tn/userfiles/statement(1).pdf
7 - UGTT statement of 11 January 2011
www.ugtt.org.tn/userfiles/file/D%C3%A9claration%20CAN%2011-01-2011.pdf
8 - UGTT statement of 18 January www.ugtt.org.tn/fr/actualitees-details.php?id=624
9 - UGTT statement of 21 January www.ugtt.org.tn/fr/actualitees-details.php?id=623
10 - Federation of Tunisian citizens of both banks http://www.citoyensdesdeuxrives.eu/
Committee for the Respect of Human Rights in Tunisia www.crldht.org
Tarek Ben Hiba mailto:t.benhiba%20@%20gmail.com
Mouhieddine Cherbib cherbib@gmail.com
Kamel Jendoubi kjendoubi@wanadoo.fr
11 - See for example the press release dated May 20, 2010
http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article17424
See also the statement of January 13, 2011 www.solidaires.org/article34686.html
12 A selection of statements by French political officials is available on
www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article19844

In addition to this newsletter, you can find materials related to international news and material from the International Committee of Solidaires on our website at the following address: http://www.solidaires.org/article12420.html.

Note rough English translations of the original French statements can be found at
www.revitalisinglabour.blogspot.com/2011/01/more-union-statements-on-crisis-in.html

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More Union Statements on the Crisis in Tunisia

1. Rally of trade unionists in Tunis, in the absence of Tunisian General Labour Union leadership – News Article posted Echaab website 28 December, 2010
2. French unions express solidarity with Tunisian unions and the social movement in Sidi Bouzid – French inter-union - 30 December, 2010
3. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT January 04, 2011
4. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT - 11 January, 2011
5. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT - 18 January, 2011
6. Statement by the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT - 21 January, 2011
7. Statement of the Executive Bureau of the Tunisian General Labor Union
- UGTT – 26 January 2011



1. Rally of trade unionists in Tunis, in the absence of Tunisian General Labour Union leadership
28 December, 2010

Hundreds of people, mostly trade unionists belonging to components of civil society, held early yesterday afternoon in Muhammad Ali Square in front of the headquarters of the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) a rally to show solidarity with the protests triggered a few days ago in the region of Sidi Bouzid and that, following the call by the unions of primary and secondary education, physicians and public health for social security funds.

In his speech, the secretary general of the Union of Secondary Education Dr. Sami Tahri said the total solidarity with trade unionists, unemployed youth of the region and stressed the need to solve problems and find appropriate solutions for the realization of a true regional development which provides employment for young people and a decent standard of living for the populations of regions within the country."

The protesters then shouted slogans calling for the encouragement of investors in the regions, a true balance to eradicate regional inequalities for fair distribution of wealth and creating jobs for young university graduates.

Considerable numbers of police blocked access and exit to the square for fear of possible overflows.

Asked by Assabah whether Union Centre called for the rally, Association called for the rally, Abdessalem Jrad [UGTT Secretary General] was clear in his response,"What happened is just a passing cloud. The Union Centre Remains committed to its base and its national role. The slogan that were brandished have nothing to do with the Centre”. Jrad continued “The rally was not supported the Union structures and we did not sponsor it. In addition, whenever the Centre calls for a rally, a march or any movement of support, we know how to frame it.”

The gathering has not complied with the procedure required, especially with some people at the rally calling for support to the inhabitants of Sidi Bouzid”, the Secretary General of the UGTT replied: "As I said, the Centre has its proper procedures.

We are at the heart of the matter, but by reasonable and meaningful dialogue with the government, although we are a social organization and hence have a national role the Union Centre, has intervened to find possible solutions. We arrived to allow the release of most of those arrested. This is our role as a Union Centre and national actor, knowing that what happens in Sidi Bouzid concerns us all. "


2. French unions express solidarity with Tunisian unions and the social movement in Sidi Bouzid
30 December, 2010

Three years after the events of Gafsa, The Sidi Bouzid region in central Tunisia, has since December 17, been gripped by an outbreak of anger whose causes, as in Gafsa, is predominantly unemployment and lack of development.

The attempted suicide of a young street vendor, who had graduated from university, by setting himself on fire has triggered by a wave of protests in the region that have resulted in mass arrests.

The most violent clashes occurred at Manzil Bouziane where a young protester was shot dead and a dozen injured.

On December 27, hundreds of unionists of the UGTT, mainly in education, healthcare services, postal and telecommunications gathered outside the headquarters of the centre in Tunis. The demonstrators were surrounded by heavy security including anti-riot units.

The imbalance of development between the coastal and central regions is the cause of social distress in areas left behind, like that of Sidi Bouzid. The investment for job creation in these regions is a necessity, particularly towards young graduates whose unemployment rate is double the overall rate estimated at 14%.

The French trade union group formed after the events of Gafsa (CFDT, CGT, FSU, UNSA and Solidarity), supports the efforts of the Tunisian union movement to prevent the use of strong-arm tactics against these spontaneous protests.

It supports the UGTT’s call to open a negotiation for sustainable job-creating high quality and geographically balanced.

With the UGTT, the CGT, CFDT, FSU, UNSA and Solidaires require:

• end of the intervention of the police against the social movements;
• the release of all those arrested;
• not to mention the release of militants jailed in the past mobilizations in the region of Gafsa, such as Fahem Boukadous and Hassan bin Abdullah;
• amnesty and reintegration into employment of ex-prisoners of the mining area of Gafsa, and all condemned.

Faced with this policy characteristic of a police state, French organizations require the French government finally stop its systematic support to the regime.

3. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the Tunisian General Labour Union January 04, 2011

The members of the National Administrative Commission met on Tuesday, 4th January 2011 under the chairmanship of comrade Abdessalem Jerad, the General Secretary of the Tunisian General Labor Union. The meeting took place following the analysis of the painful events witnessed by Sidi Bouzid, Kasserine and other regions. These events were characterized by spontaneous movements initially demanding the right to work. Believing in the national and social role of the Tunisian General Labor Union and in order to contribute in the development of better prospects the members of the National administrative Commission:

1. Confirm the contents of the trade unionist statements as well as the statement issued by the Executive Bureau of the Union, which include concepts and principles about the pillars of sustainable development stated in the regulations of the concerned authorities centrally, regionally and sectorally, which evolved through studies and seminars on employment and labor relationships. They also call for a development pattern that takes into account the basic needs, which is based on justice and balance between the regions, and in which the State and the public sector perform the task of investing. This is mainly due to the fact that the private sector has not reached the required level of investment in the areas of priority, despite the fiscal, financial and social privileges that it enjoys.
2. Express their solidarity with the people of Sidi Bouzid and other internal regions in their legitimate aspirations towards a better reality and towards a pattern of development that ensures justice and equality, and guarantees the right to decent work and to job opportunities that provide a minimum income enabling people to meet the increase of prices. They also call for an urgent intervention in order to repair the clear damages that touched the inhabitants of Sidi Bouzid.
3. Emphasize the need to give the representatives of the Tunisian General Labor Union a permanent membership in the regional boards of employment and in the local employment committees. They also renew the demand of creating an unemployment fund to protect the dismissed workers and provide them with an income that enables them to meet their basic needs when they lose their jobs due to the economic changes, especially the policy of privatizing the public institutions.
4. Register with dismay the action of surrounding the regional and local trade unions in an attempt to block the last peaceful trade unionist movements. This led to practices of violence targeting a number of trade unionists, both locally and regionally.
5. Call for the release of the remaining detainees, ending their prosecution and removing all forms of security blockade in Sidi Bouzid and in the other regions. The members of the administrative commission also call for the adoption of dialogue as an essential mechanism to address all the kinds of reactions.
6. Express their solidarity with the families of the innocent victims and ask for a follow-up of those found guilty in hurting innocent victims.
7. Express their support for the lawyers and all the institutions of civil society in their support for our people in Sidi Bouzid during the spontaneous movements aiming to improve the reality of living in the region, to ensure social projects and to guarantee them a dignified life.
8. Express their resentment for the absence of the national media in the recent events and for the deliberate lack of coverage of the developments in response to the aspiration of the Tunisian citizen to know what is happening in his country. This led to a media vacuum which strikingly calls for a comprehensive review of the reality of the media. They also stress the importance of promoting the media and improving the ways of dealing with events in order to develop its performance and make it capable of dealing with the substantive economic, social and political issues and of adopting courage, transparency and clarity in the disclosure of some aspects of misconduct and the practices that are inconsistent with the values of justice, freedom and equality and which may affect the substance of the laws of civil and human rights as well as the institutions of civil society.
9. Call for political reforms in order to deepen democracy and promote freedom, and to activate the role of the Tunisian League for Human Rights as an important national gain because of its role in the actual consecration of the State of law and institutions. They also affirm the need to enable the Tunisian League for Human Rights to hold its congress respecting the independence of its decision.
10. Consider that negotiation is a legitimate international and domestic right and that going on strike is the essence of the right of freedom of association. They call the authorities to negotiate seriously with the labor union of education and the unions of the other sectors and to respond to their demands which were issued by their administrative commissions in order to contribute to the establishment of a social climate characterized by stability and which emphasizes the importance of dialogue in reducing the possible social problems. The members of the national administrative commission also renew their demand of reintegrating the dismissed workers of the mining basin in their previous jobs in order to put an end to a situation representing one of the factors contributing to a tense social climate.
    

Long live the Tunisian General Labor Union, free, democratic and independent fighter.

Tunis, January 04, 2011

Abdessalem Jerad
General Secretary

4. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT
11 January, 2011

Members of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT, met in an extraordinary session, Tuesday, January 11, 2011 in the northern suburbs of Tunis chaired by Comrade Abdessalem Jerad, Secretary General,

After having carried out the examination of the situation following protest movements that occurred in many parts of the country, movements characterized by disturbances, acts of police violence including the use of live ammmunition resulting in the killing many innocent victims.

Emphasizing the need for an urgent intervention to respond to the legitimate claims of the protesters.

1. Denounce the use of the firing of live ammunition on demonstrators, that has resulted in numerous deaths among citizens in a number of inland areas specifically to Tala, Kasserine and Regueb and denounce the blockade of the premises of the UGTT’s regional office in Kasserine as well as the removal of their goods and documents;
2. Request the establishment of a commission of inquiry to clarify the conditions under which the firing live ammunition at demonstrators in the mentioned regions took place and determine the responsibilities;
3. Demand the removal of army units that have been deployed in cities and the road blocks on major roads and the lifting of the seige of some inland areas by police.
4. Express their commitment to the right of freedom of expression and the right to peaceful assembly to devote the legitimate rights of populations in accordance with international conventions and the Tunisian Constitution to protect public goods against looting or destruction and preserve those rights achieved through the people’s national and social struggles;
5. Reiterate their call for the liberation of all persons in custody to soothe the tension and the establishment of a national commission for dialogue on the imperatives of economic, social and political reforms that must occur in the coming period, and reforms necessary to ensure stability and peaceful progress attributes. Similarly, they call for the establishment of committees on regional and local reflection on solutions to revise the model of economic development in our country.
6. Call for the establishment of a monthly allowance to any person whose unemployment has exceeded 12 months and give support to ensure stable and decent employment which responds to an individual’s professional profile and scientific abilities,
7. The importance of conducting an urgent and serious debate on the need to create an insurance - unemployment benefit for the unemployed and workers dismissed because
   transformations of the national economy and the adoption of a policy of privatisation and closure due to industry’s inability to cope with the policies of harsh and unbridled competition;
8. Reiterate their call for the need to involve the regional and local Unions within the UGTT as permanent members of regional development councils, and local councils and commissions employment;
9. Express their support for the affected regions and their solidarity with the families of the victims and recognize the right of regional trade union structures observing movements to challenge injury they have endured with all the populations in these areas and the right of citizens of other regions and the various professional groups to express their solidarity and active by peaceful marches in coordination with the National Executive Bureau.
10. Warn against any attempt to not take responsibility of recent events that have engulfed our country, with attacks on the sectoral and regional trade union structures,
11. Express their displeasure at the adoption of a policy of misinformation leading to distorting the facts and the turn taken \in different regions of the country to inhibit the communicate with citizens with freedom, accuracy, objectivity, and reality,
12. Decide, in light of the latest developments in the situation, to postpone the National Board meeting scheduled for 10, 11 and 12 February 2011 at a later date.
    

Tunis, 11 January 2011
Abdesslem Jerad
Secretary General

5. Statement of the National Administrative Commission of UGTT
18 January, 2011

The members of the National Administrative Commission of the Tunisian General Trade Union held an extraordinary meeting on Tuesday, 18 January 2011 in Gammarth, headed by the General Secretary comrade Abdessalem Jerad. They analyzed the rapid developments witnessed by the country and assessed the sacrifices made by the trade unionists, the workers, the population and the martyrs in the historical popular uprising to resist injustice, oppression and delinquency. Since the members of the Administrative Commission believe in the national and social role, which has long been played by the labor Organization in the struggle for freedom, justice and human rights, they:

1. Stand in humility and homage for the martyrs who perished during the uprising of our people against oppression and tyranny, against the protection of the corrupt gang that lived in our country and for the resistance to an oppressive system based on abolishing public and individual freedoms and human rights.
2. Remind that the Tunisian General Trade Union was the first organization that alerted the Government through its studies and memoirs, and its speech to the public, about the situation of tension and anger that has reached our youth and our people as a result of the clumsy development policies which led to unemployment and poverty and created a void in the social and cultural development.
3. Stand in tribute and appreciation for the solidarity between all the social classes in order to maintain security and public property. They also stress the fact that the acts of vandalism and looting were carried out by groups who were paid by symbols of the presidential security and by spoilers from the family of former president as well as his followers and relatives. They consider that any attempts to divert the public opinion from the real perpetrators of these acts of vandalism and looting represent a kind of deception and obfuscation.
4. Call for the immediate freezing of the accounts of the former president, his family and in-laws and the nationalization of their properties and to prevent all the suspects from leaving the Tunisian territory waiting for the outcome of the investigations that will be conducted by the committee formed for this purpose.
5. Stress the need for the announced political reforms to be immediately effective, including the separation between Political Party and State, the passing of a general legislative amnesty, the revision of the Constitution and the Electoral Code and enabling all the political sensitivities of their right to get organized and to exercise their political activities freely, away from all the pressures and constraints.
6. Call for the creation of representative structures with broad powers to monitor the implementation of the immediate measures that were announced as well as the political, economic and social reforms.
7. In order to reinforce the trade unionist rights, according to the international conventions and the local laws, the members of the Administrative Commission call for the immediate dissolution of the professional divisions and their federations since they are parallel structures that clearly damaged worker relations and the social climate within the institutions of production. They also stress the need to dissolve the structures of the Constitutional Democratic Party, a party that is still headed by former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.
8. Ask for reviewing the terms of the right to demonstrate peacefully in order to eliminate crippling strictures that limit people’s freedom to protest against the adopted policies that contradict with their interests and aspirations.
9. Despite the fact that the Tunisian General Trade Union is keen to social and political reforms and to the need to strengthen them, it considers that the composition of the announced coalition government does not respond to the conditions set by the Executive Bureau in the statement issued on Saturday 15 January 2011 and does not correspond to the aspirations of the workers and the population concerning real renewal, breaking off with the old practices, and equilibriums. This is due to the number of representatives of the previous government and the ruling party in the coalition government as well as the marginalization of the role of the representatives of the Tunisian General Trade Union. The members of the Administrative Commission announce the withdrawal of their representatives from the coalition government, and the resignation of the union members from the House of Representatives, the Council of Advisers and the municipal councils as well as the freezing of the membership of the Tunisian General Trade Union in the Economic and Social Council as well its membership in the Supreme Councils.
10. Reject all forms of external intervention to guide our people and to influence them because the population who managed to overthrow a President who suppressed all those who upheld the right to freedom of expression, is qualified to chart their own destiny away from guardianship.
11. Call for working to form an elected constituent assembly, through free and democratic elections, which reflects the will of our people to build a better future.
12. Decide to give an amnesty to the trade unionists whose activity was suspended in all sectors and regions.
    

General Secretary
Abdessalem Jerad
General Secretary

6. Statement by the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT
21 January. 2011
After an assessment of the balance sheet of the popular uprising and an examination of the results of the political consultations and protests at the national, regional and local movements.
Members of the National Administrative Commission of the UGTT, met on Friday, 21 January 2011, under the chairmanship of Comrade Abdessalem JERAD, Secretary General. The Commission:

1. Reaffirmed that the UGTT is a national organization concerned imperatively by political issue to its history militant opposition to colonization and the building of the modern State and given the close correlation between the dimensions economic, social, political and cultural in the development process.
2. Reminds that the resignation of the UGTT representative on the members of the National Government has been attributed to the refusal to deliver the demands of the Executive Bureau, demands expressed in the statement dated January 15, 2011. This position of resignation is based on a fair reading of the evolution of events through the claims and aspirations of the demonstrators and all the components of civil society,
3. Have noted that the scale of movement in all regions of the country calling for the dissolution of the Government and the refusal of the appointment of RCD members as Ministers within the government, in light of the many resignations and refusal by a number of parties and of political sensibilities to participate in the government, and given the imperative of a return to quiet and calm to focus on the implementation of announced reforms, the UGTT National Administrative Commission members call for dissolution of the Government and the establishment of a national coalition Government of that meets the demands of protesters, political parties, nongovernmental organizations and the united people.
4. Active participation in a commission of political reform, they decide to establish union committees to develop the ideas of the UGTT in political, economic and social reforms necessary to meet urgent need to establish democracy and to hold free and transparent elections guaranteeing freedom of choice of the voters, the composition of a parliamentary government and the freedom of information. In addition, members of the National Administrative Commission ask that the Union Centre be represented on the commission of fact-finding on excesses committed during the last period, and prosecution for anyone involved in the death of innocent citizens are engaged and that the UGTT be represented on a fact finding commission on acts of corruption and malfeasance.
5. Require all workers to act against any attempt to interrupt the normal functioning of industry and to be vigilant to safeguard assets and ensure continuity of administration and management of these companies.
6. Are determined to pursue the legitimate struggle by observing strikes or demonstrating peacefully until the recomposition of the Government in accordance with the conditions laid down by the UGTT.
7. Call to celebrate the day of January 14 as a national public holiday.
8. Speak insistently to all trade unionists and workers to work for the protection of Trade Union Unity and guarantee the continuity of the fight by the UGTT towards achieving its objectives in response to the demands of the populations. They also call for more continued vigilance to annihilate any attempt to undermine the UGTT ranks and influence its decisions in this delicate phase in the history of the Tunisia.
   
   

The combat of our people on the way of the dedication of its dignity and its invulnerability of life.
.
Abdessalem Jerad
Secretary General

7. Statement of the Executive Bureau of the UGTT
26 January 2011

The Executive Bureau of the Tunisian General Trade Union met on Wednesday, January 26, 2011, under the chairmanship of the General Secretary, comrade Abdessalem Jerad. After reviewing the current situation of the country and the clear and precise positions taken by the central Trade Union as well as the civil and political society and taking into consideration the acts of vandalism and looting that targeted some headquarters of the UGTT, the Executive Bureau of the Union:

1. Strongly condemns the acts of vandalism which targeted the headquarters of the UGTT in some areas. These acts remind the trade unionists, activists and workers of the events of January 26, 1978. These practices will only strengthen the resistance of the unions and their willingness to fight. This will not change their decision to continue their struggle and guide protesters in accordance with the claims of the civil and political society, and all the population.
2. Thanks all those who defended the UGTT and all those who struggled to support the historical position of the Central trade union, based on the commitment to the principles of the revolution and on the composition of a government that serves the revolution, a government that breaks completely with the old regime, works with transparency and credibility to build a better future, based on strengthening public and private freedoms, democracy and Human Rights.
3. Thanks all the associations, the non-governmental organizations and the political parties and sensitivities for supporting the decisions of the UGTT and its governing structures that, despite differences of opinion and appreciation on their performance, form a protective shield for militants and activists and remain vigilan to defend the Central trade union and a united front against all attempts to ransack the offices of the UGTT and to undermine its unity.
4. Warns against the violent turn that characterizes the situation and other acts perpetrated by militias who want to sow disorder and prevent people from showing their protest peacefully, and with responsibility. The Executive Bureau calls all trade unionists and workers to save the companies and production sites and condemns any attempt to destroy the achievements of the population.
5. Calls the President of the Republic to listen carefully to the demands of the people and the UGTT which expresses, in this crucial period, the willingness to interact with all the ideas that are consistent with the decisions of the leading structures of the Central trade union. Long live the workers’ struggle for freedom, justice, democracy and Human Rights.
   

Abdessalem Jerad
General Secretary

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DOWN WITH THE DICTATORSHIP OF MUBARAK - SOLIDARITY WITH THE EGYPTIAN PEOPLE

Statement by Comité de Solidarité avec la Lutte du Peuple Egyptien
(The Committee of Solidarity with the Egyptian People's Struggle)
January 26 2011
The events of the Egyptians against the Mubarak dictatorship are violently repressed.

The crackdown against demonstrators in Cairo and in many cities across Egypt has left at least 6 dead, hundreds injured and arrested.

As in Tunisia when the dictatorship of Ben Ali has been shaken and the dictator ousted by the tremendous mobilization of the Tunisian people and especially its youth, the Egyptian people and its youth have gone to attack the Mubarak regime and shout their refusal dictatorship, nepotism, corruption and evil spirits.

This Wednesday, January 26, 2011, was launched a committee of solidarity with the struggle of the Egyptian people with the aim to gather in a hurry all the voices in solidarity to say:

DOWN WITH THE DICTATORSHIP OF MUBARAK

STOP THE CRACKDOWN, TORTURE, IMPRISONMENT

HALT STATE OF EMERGENCY AND CENSORSHIP

LONG LIVE THE EGYPTIAN PEOPLE’S FIGHT AGAINST DICTATORSHIP

The Committee of Solidarity with the Egyptian People's Struggle

Committee of Solidarity with the Egyptian people's struggle:
First signatories: (Egyptian Citizens of France - CEF); (Federation of Tunisian citizens on both banks - FTCR), Comité pour le Respect des Libertés et des Droits de l’ Homme en Tunisie (Committee for the Respect of Liberties and Human Rights in Tunisia – CRLDHT), Association des Travailleurs Maghrébins en France (Association of North African Workers - ATMF); Campagne Civile Internationale pour la Protection du Peuple Palestinien (International Civil Campaign for the Protection of the Palestinian People - CCIPPP); Union syndicale Solidaires (Trade Union Solidarity)

TO CONTACT: Email: solidaritepeuplegyptien@yahoo.fr
Page of the Committee of Solidarity with the Egyptian people's struggle:
http://www.facebook.com/pages/Comite-de-Solidarite-avec-la-Lutte-du-Peuple-Egyptien/186252268073586

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Olivier Besancenot: I know now that revolution is possible

Olivier Besancenot gives his impressions on Tunisia
International Viewpoint
January 2011

Olivier Besancenot, spokesperson for the Nouveau Parti Anti-Capitaliste was in Tunisia earlier this week to find out about the revolution happening there. Here are his impressions.

How did this trip to Tunisia come about?

It’s something I’ve never seen before. I’m part of that generation of revolutionaries which has never lived the experience. It’s the first time I’ve been through something like that in real life. I saw it with my own eyes. I love this collective enthusiasm, it’s contagious and intoxicating. As I’m speaking to you there are still thousands of citizens on the streets, in clusters, hundreds of people who are describing the events on Facebook and Twitter, trade unionists who are mobilised to demand the resignation of the “new” government. The revolution is continuing here.

What is your feeling about this popular uprising?

Revolution is a complex process which moves ahead little by little and creates its own path. The revolution is continuing because it has only one goal: to get rid of this charade of a government. At the moment the Tunisian oligarchy still has the country in its grip; the police are also controlled by them as is every sector of the economy and that suits no one here. The opposition wants to convene a constituent assembly to change the institutions and move along a new road.

So, revolution isn’t a crazy dream? Does that give you any ideas?

Yes. I’m absolutely filled with hope (laughter). I know now that revolution is possible, it’s there, under my eyes. No revolution resembles another. There is no model. When people have tried to copy it has often ended badly. I’m here to learn and to understand. I’m noting things about organisation, the structure of the movement and it’s thrilling. We too really need a social-democratic revolution.

You’ve met some of the opposition. Do you think they are ready to take power?

I’m not there to speak in the name of the Tunisian people – it has proved that it does not need anyone for that – but one of the first things they said was “it’s our revolution and we don’t want anyone to steal it from us”. They didn’t expect that it would spread across borders.

And you?

I’d answer by quoting Ken Loach: “revolutions are always contagious.” What happened in Egypt yesterday and has been happening for a few days in Algeria is extremely important.

Do you hope to to go Egypt in the next few days?

I’m not a revolutionary tourist (laughter) and am not on a pilgrimage. I came to Tunisia at the request of my comrades whom I’ve been in touch with since the start of the movement. We had simply agreed that I would visit at an appropriate time. I’m in touch with people in Egypt of course. We’ll see what attitude we should take. However our job in France is to fight against our own government and our own imperialism. It’s obviously not the right that’s going to do that.

And the left?

The Socialist Party won’t do anything anymore. Let me remind you that a few days ago Ben Ali was part of the Socialist International and that it was the present government which covered his regime.

What do people in Tunisia think of France’s attitude?

They are very angry. Sarkozy’s excuses are waffle. No one here believes him. I’ve explained that not everyone in France supported the government and all its actions. I’ve heard the French media criticise the government’s hesitancy but it’s much worse than that – it is active, concrete, economic and financial complicity.

And are they asking anything from France?

They don’t have any intention of living in a dictatorship, that’s for sure. They are not expecting anything from the French government. They have been disappointed and will ask for nothing
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-Olivier Besancenot is the best-known spokesperson of the New Anti-Capitalist Party (NPA), formed in 2009 following a call by the Revolutionary Communist League (Ligue communiste révolutionnaire (LCR), French section of the Fourth International). As candidate for the LCR in the presidential elections in 2002 and 2007, he received 1.2 million votes (4.5%) and 1.5 million votes (4.2%) respectively.

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Indonesia: Towards revolution or chaos?

The movement that developed last year in Indonesia, culminating in big upsurges in May and November, was based on concerns arising out of economic insecurity, and growing anger and rejection of the undemocratic and repressive regime.

The mass unrest was sparked by anger at Suharto's re-election to his seventh five-term as president. This occurred against a backdrop of increasing economic turmoil. Economic problems facing the people included massive price rises; the cost of essentials such as food, medicine and cooking fuel had exploded by 200-300%. Unemployment was on the rise as factory closures rapidly increased. These problems dissolved Suharto's last vestiges of legitimacy.


Suharto's resignation did not solve the problems. By October, 80 million people were below the poverty line, up from 20 million in 1997. The regime's inability to solve the economic problems combined with a growing recognition that the Habibie regime was no different from the Suharto regime.

Preparations began for protests against the November meeting of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which would decide on the laws governing the general elections in 1999. These protests reflected recognition that the MPR was the same body that had elected Suharto in March, and would reflect the interests of Suharto and his cronies. The broad student movement also demanded the end of the “dual role” of the military (ABRI).

These mobilisations reached truly mass proportions in Jakarta, with more than 1 million students and urban poor on the streets. When ABRI attacked the mobilisations on November 13, killing 12 people, the response was even greater mobilisations the next day. By November 15, however, the movement dissipated, because of the illusions the movement had in parliamentary reform.

The movement hoped that the loyal opposition of Megawati Sukarnoputri, Amien Rais and Abdurrahman Wahid would take power on the back of the student and masses' mobilisations. These opposition figures had no intention of playing this role. This left a power vacuum that no section of the student movement was able or willing to fill.

Prospects for further upsurge

Since November, the economic crisis has worsened. Although the rupiah has now stabilised, prices have continued to increase. The International Monetary Fund now controls the bulk of the economy, and has embarked on a wave of closures to recoup and protect the investments of Australian, European, US and east Asian capitalists.

These closures have resulted in a new wave of sackings, throwing more people into poverty. In January it was estimated that the number of Indonesians living in poverty had reached 130 million.

There has been no shift in the role of the military in politics. Despite a new formal “separation” between the police and military, ABRI and the police continue to work together against student and other demonstrations.

For example, on April 13, when student groups organised demonstrations in Jakarta, the army was used to disperse them even though the students had gone through the legal processes prior to the demonstration.

The regime has confirmed that ABRI will have a reduced representation in the parliament, but it will still retain 38 appointed members. More importantly, there has been no move abolish the territorial command system, which places military bases and posts at every level of Indonesian society down to the village level.

Diverting public anger

Since May 1998, there has been growing ethnic violence. Then, violence against ethnic Chinese massively increased, including widespread incidents of rape of ethnic Chinese women.

This has spread to include violence between Christians and Muslims in Ambon and parts of Java. This violence is not spontaneous but the result of a systematic campaign by the regime to divert public anger to suitable scapegoats such as new settlers or ethnic minorities.

There is considerable evidence that the military have actively supported and defended these attacks, including film footage in May showing soldiers helping looters in Chinese areas in Jakarta. The expansion of this violence provides an excuse for ABRI to crack down in order restore “order”.

An important part of this is the campaign by the far right to label the People's Democratic Party (PRD) and the radical student organisations such as the Student and People's Committee for Democracy (KOMRAD) and City Forum (FORKOT) as “communist”. They have been accused of being involved in an anti-Islamic conspiracy and responsible for the rape, mutilation and murder of Muslim women.

This campaign taps into the popular hatred of “communism” in Indonesia, where the regime has been able to falsely portray “communists” as murderers and rapists. This sentiment was demonstrated in November, when the students taunted the military by calling them “PKI” (Communist Party Indonesia).

The regime has recently included laws banning Marxist-Leninism in the criminal code. These laws replace the anti-subversion law.

Under the new laws, campaigning for the replacement of the state ideology, Pancasila, with communism is punishable by 20 years' imprisonment. Publishing Marxist writings is punishable by 12 years' imprisonment. Publishing communist writings that spark mass unrest, following the teachings of Marx and Lenin and organising people under communist teachings are all punishable by 15 years' imprisonment.

The attempt to intimidate the PRD has also been stepped up. Mugianto and Aan, PRD members who were kidnapped and tortured by ABRI in March, have recently received phone calls from their kidnappers asking, “Do you remember me?”.

Ending the dual function

The dual function of ABRI -- that is, the military's involvement in politics -- remains the biggest barrier to democracy. The masses see establishing democratic elections and curtailing the power of the military as the burning priority.

Only when the movement has won greater democratic space and people have learned through their own experiences the illusory nature of capitalist “democracy” will revolutionaries be able to win a hearing for socialist solutions to society's problems. The vast majority of Indonesian people see the June 7 elections as both democratic and a solution to their current problems.

The depth of these illusions can be seen in reports of rallies organised by political parties through urban poor areas, as opposed to those organised by students. During 1998, when students marched through urban poor areas, the urban poor would come to join them. In the past month, this has no longer been the case. At the same time, they are prepared to join political party rallies, showing that the urban poor have large illusions in the elections.

One important factor in breaking these illusions will be the experience of the elections themselves. The June 7 poll will be first real multi-party election in more than 30 years. After the election, no change in government policy will occur.

The major opposition figures Megawati Sukarnoputri (Democratic Party of Indonesia -- Struggle), Amien Rais (National Mandate Party) and Abdurrahman Wahid (National Awakening Party), who are likely to play a role in the next government, have stated a willingness to support both the IMF austerity measures and the military's dual function.

The PRD has launched a campaign tying the struggle for democratic demands to the ending of the dual role of the military and meeting the immediate economic needs of workers, farmers and the urban poor. These demands include a 200% increase in wages with cuts to prices; providing land to the tillers; and the nationalising of Suharto and his family's assets.

In order to win these demands, it is necessary to build organisations that can mobilise and unite the people in struggle. This process also provides the possibility to generate increased confidence and a sense of empowerment.

It is important to win all oppressed and exploited sectors of Indonesian society to this struggle; failure to convince and win these sectors would mean that they could be used against the democratic forces.

Revolution or chaos? The answer to this questions lies in the strength of the democracy movement and its ability to lead the anger and frustration of the masses in a coherent struggle against the regime and the capitalist system it supports.

[Lisbeth Latham organised the Resistance exposure tour to Indonesia and is an activist in ASIET].

From Green Left Weekly issue #359

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