Remembering My Detention In Indonesia

Lisbeth Latham

Eleven years ago today I was arrested in Jakarta, by members of the POLDA Metro Jaya intelligence unit. At the time I was arrested I had been with some members of the Front Nasional Perjuangan Buruh Indonesia (Indonesian National Front for Labour Struggle – FNPBI) who were conducting a sit-in at the national parliament building.

This was the third protest involving the group of workers which I had attended. The first was outside the International Labour Organisation’s office in Jakarta, to call on the ILO to place pressure on the Indonesian government to enact legislation, consistent with ILO conventions, which would allow unions organised primarily on a geographical basis to registered, rather requiring unions to be based on an industry basis. The second protest was outside the clothing factory which the workers were employed to demand reinstatement after the owner sacked the workers for attending the protest. Final protest sought the reinstatement of the workers and a change in the national parliament.


Following my arrest, I was taken to the Metro Jaya headquarters along with Doming who had insisted he be able to accompany me. I was interrogated over the next 24-hours before being taken to an immigration detention centre. On December 5, I had two visits, the first was by staff from the Australian Embassy. They informed me that they had noticed the article which I’ve included below regarding my arrest and decided they should investigate my situation, the Embassy had been informed of my arrest two days earlier by FNPBI chairperson Dita Sari. The Embassy people told me they didn’t know exactly what was happening, but that there was a possibility that I would be charged with violating my visa – a charge which carried a five year prison sentence. I was informed that if that occurred it could be up to six months before the trial would run its course – they told me that I would have to arrange and pay for my own defence, but they had forgotten to bring the list of lawyers. I was informed that they hoped I would simply be deported on my ticket in two days time, but if not they would come and see me on the Monday morning. with the list of lawyers.

Later that day Mugianto from the Partai Rakyat Demokratik’s (Peoples Democratic Party – PRD) International Department came to visit with a lawyer, they had managed to get access to me for a short period of time. Mugi said that they hoped that I would be deported using my ticket on Sunday December 7, as if I did not fly on that date, there were no more seats on flights and I could be waiting for a month for a flight. Mugi also told me about the protests against the WTO in Seattle which had happened earlier in the week (because of my detention I never saw any of the footage from Seattle and would see footage in 2000 in the lead up to the S11 protests in Melbourne).

The next day I was visited by Roma, the FNPBI’s international officer who had just returned from the Seattle protests. Prior to going to Seattle, Roma had made me promise not to do anything stupid ... Roma had managed to get into the detention centre by convincing one the guards to let her in, largely on the basis that were both from North Sumatra.

On the Sunday I was eventually taken to the airport, about an hour before my flight. Prior to be taken I was convinced I would not be getting on the flight. I was deported from Indonesia and banned from returning for one year, however one of the officials indicated that I could expect to be detained if I returned within five years. I got back the day the final Green Left Weekly was printed, which contained the article below – It was a rather surreal experience to sell a paper with an article about me in prison.

Overall while the experience in Indonesia was extremely frightening, I knew I was in far less danger than my Indonesian comrades, many of whom had been kidnapped and tortured during the struggle. I have always attempted to use the bravery of the Indonesian student and worker movement to inspire my continued participation in continuing struggle for democracy and socialism.


Australian held for violating visa.
3 December 1999
Jakarta Post

JAKARTA (JP): Police intelligence officers are questioning an Australian national over his participation in a number of street protests here, city police spokesman Lt. Col. Zainuri Lubis said on Tuesday.
By participating in the rallies on labor and political issues, the suspect, identified as Christopher, violated existing immigration regulations, he said.
"Christopher came here on a tourist visa, but he was here to take part in street protests. He'll be charged under Article 50 of Law No. 9/1992 on immigration regulations," Zainuri said.
If found guilty of violating the article, the suspect could be deported and banned from the country for a year.
The latest rally Christopher took part in was last Tuesday's labor protest at the House of Representatives in Central Jakarta, the officer said.
The protest was organized by the Federation of All-Indonesian Workers Union of Reform.
"This is his second trip to Indonesia. His first was on April 6 this year," Zainuri said.
The suspect also was seen playing an active role in a number of other protests, including one organized by the Democratic People's Party (PRD) outside Cipinang Penitentiary in East Jakarta, an International Labor Organization protest at the United Nations building on Jl. Thamrin in Central Jakarta and a protest in front of the Presidential Palace on Jl. Medan Merdeka in Central Jakarta.
"His passport also states that his status is that of a student and that he belongs to a non-governmental organization in Australia called ASIET.
"He is currently under the supervision of the police's Foreigner Control unit. He will soon be transferred to the immigration office in Kalideres, West Jakarta, to be held in quarantine," Zainuri said.
The officer also said that any Indonesians who gave shelter to the suspect should immediately report to the police.


Australian solidarity activist jailed in Jakarta
By Max Lane
Green Left Weekly #388 December 8, 1999

Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor member Chris Latham was arrested in Jakarta on November 29. Latham, who is a student in Sydney, was participating in a demonstration of workers and students organised by the Indonesian National Front for Labour Struggles.
Latham was held and interrogated at Jakarta Central Police Station until December 2, when he was moved to the Immigration Detention Centre on the outskirts of Jakarta. He is imprisoned in a three-by-three-metre cell with two other people, one from Nigeria and one from South Africa.
Latham has not yet been told whether he is to be deported or brought to court in Indonesia. He has been visited by Australian embassy representatives and the People's Democratic Party (PRD) international department spokesperson, Mugianto.
According to Mugianto, Jakarta police are accusing Latham of repeatedly attending demonstrations in Indonesia, an activity which the police say contravenes the conditions of tourist visas. It appears that Latham has been under close surveillance during his stay — the police had detailed knowledge of his attendance at demonstrations.
Latham's arrest follows a raid by Indonesian intelligence officials on the Lampung office of the PRD the previous week. The officials said they were looking for Australian Democratic Socialist Party activist Roberto Jorquera, who was visiting Indonesia and meeting with student activists. Jorquera was not in Lampung at the time, but was later detained briefly at Denpasar airport in Bali as he left Indonesia.
The PRD protested against the raid and pointed out that Jorquera's visit to Indonesia was conducted openly and that the PRD activities he had attended in Lampung had been public events.

Read more...

Why socialists call for troops in East Timor

Why socialists call for troops in East Timor
By Lisbeth Latham and Zanny Begg

A debate amongst the left has developed over the way to stop the violence in East Timor. Resistance demands an immediate armed intervention by the United Nations or Australian troops to force the withdrawal of the Indonesian military and disarm the militias. This demand is summarised by the chant at the demonstrations: "UN in, Indonesia out now!". Some on the left have argued against calling for UN/Australian troops to go into East Timor because they claim it would strengthen the hand of imperialism, not stop the bloodshed and sow illusions in the UN or the Australian government.

None of these arguments are true.

Strengthen imperialism?
Both the Australian government and the UN have said that they won't send troops to stop the slaughter until the Indonesian government accepts an international intervention.

The hesitancy to intervene reflects the Australian government's continuing support for the Indonesian regime. Rather than strengthening the hand of imperialism, sending troops in runs directly counter to the interests and wishes of imperialist countries like Australia, which do not want to undermine the power or authority of the Indonesian military.

Instead of an immediate armed intervention, Western governments have hinted that economic sanctions might be imposed on Indonesia. This would be ineffectual in stopping the bloodshed, and could even strengthen the Indonesian regime politically.

Sanctions would create the conditions for right-wing forces to whip up nationalist fervour. Forces in Indonesia which support independence for East Timor, such as the People's Democratic Party (PRD), would be targeted for further attack. The PRD has argued that sanctions would weaken the movement supporting East Timor, because the Islamic forces within the movement oppose sanctions.

Economic sanctions would punish the Indonesian people for the actions of their government, a government that the majority rejected in this year's election.

Stopping the bloodshed
An armed intervention by the UN or Australia to stop the bloodshed, force the withdrawal of the military and disarm the militias would place the resistance in a better position to continue its struggle for independence. If the Indonesian army is able to get away with its campaign of terror, it will be a massive setback for the East Timorese and could allow the Indonesian military to impose its version of a "final solution".

An armed intervention could halt the Indonesian policy of genocide by providing physical protection to the East Timorese. It is the only policy which can halt the massacre in the short term.

The massive solidarity movement with East Timor which has swelled onto the streets puts extra moral pressure on the Australian government. If it did send in troops, people would expect them to halt the slaughter. Anything less would expose the collaboration with the Indonesian regime and provoke a major crisis of confidence in the Australian government.

But stopping the slaughter in East Timor brings the Australian government into conflict with the Indonesian regime, a scenario Howard and Downer are keen to avoid.

While immediate intervention is against the intentions of the Australian government, it is possible for it to be forced to intervene by mass pressure from the Australian people. This would require the mobilisation of thousands in street protests. Such pressure would demonstrate to the government that the domestic costs of not intervening are higher than the gains.

It is only by placing these demands on the Australian government that socialists are able to highlight the contradiction between the governments claim to support democracy and the reality of its support for repression throughout Indonesia and East Timor.

If the movement is strong enough to force an intervention, it would be a massive victory  -  not just for struggle for East Timorese independence, but for all solidarity movements in Australia.

Failure to raise a demand that pressures the Australian government to take concrete action immediately to stop the killing would be a major mistake. If the killing continues at the present rate, there will be no time for diplomacy, trade union bans or other avenues to force the withdrawal of Indonesian troops.

Sowing illusions?
The demand "Troops in!" highlights the role of the Australian government and the UN in blocking action to end the bloodshed. Rather then sowing illusions, it will expose the unwillingness of capitalist governments to stop thousands of people being slaughtered.

The heroic 24-year struggle of the East Timorese people has already forced major concessions from Indonesia and imperialist governments. Even holding the UN-sponsored ballot was a concession won by years of struggle, and driven forward by the strength of the democracy movement in Indonesia.

At each step, the hypocrisy of the UN has been revealed to people all over the world. In 1991 people demanded to know why the UN was prepared to go to war in Iraq, when it was unwilling to lift a finger to save East Timor. During the war in Kosova people wondered why NATO countries like the US and Britain waged war to "save" the Albanians when they were not prepared to save East Timor and in fact assisted the Indonesian military.

If the solidarity movements and the liberation struggle in East Timor are powerful enough to force the UN or the Australian government to intervene, they will gain confidence that they have the power to force them to act elsewhere. A victory for the East Timorese would encourage the struggle against imperialism world over.

-----------------
September 15, 1999
Originally published in Green Left Weekly #376

Read more...

Resistance conference guest attacked

By Lisbeth Latham

Dhyta Caturani, who was scheduled as a guest speaker at the Resistance National Conference in Melbourne, July 8-11, was attacked by the Indonesian military in Jakarta on July 1. Dhyta was participating in a demonstration organised by the People's Democratic Party (PRD), which demanded an end to the dual role of the military in Indonesian politics and the disqualification of Golkar for electoral fraud (see articles on pages 3 and 4).

Dhyta was taken behind police lines and shot in the back of the head. Her face was badly beaten by the boot of a police officer.

Dhyta was rushed to hospital in a critical condition. Before losing consciousness, she told those around her, "I still want to go to the Resistance conference".

At the time Resistance magazine went to print, it was not clear whether or not Dhyta will be able to attend the conference. However, the PRD will try to send an alternative representative if Dhyta cannot attend.

Resistance has scheduled into the conference agenda a public action in solidarity with the victims of police repression in Indonesia. Supporters are asked to gather at 6pm on Friday, July 9, at Trades Hall for a march along Brunswick Street in the city.

Another guest speaker at the conference, Farooq Sulheria from the National Student Federation of Pakistan, has had his visa application rejected twice by the Australian government.

This article orginally appeared in Green Left Weekly #367

Read more...

Thousands march for independence and democracy

Thousands march for independence and democracy

By Lisbeth Latham

On May 21 student protests in Jakarta marking the first anniversary of Suharto's resignation were attacked by the Indonesian military (ABRI). The protests reflected growing anger among students that the "new" regime in Indonesia has not brought Suharto to justice for the crimes of his New Order dictatorship. ABRI attacked the students when they had attempted to march to the Indonesian parliament building.

In Australia the next day, thousands of people participated in actions in solidarity with the students struggling for democracy in Indonesia and independence for East Timor. The international day of action, organised by Resistance and Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor (ASIET), demanded: End Australian military ties to the Habibie regime, Indonesian troops out of East Timor, Disarm the pro-integration terror gangs in East Timor, and Free the political prisoners in Indonesia


From Sydney, Bea Brear reports that 300 people participated in a vibrant march through the city streets. At Town Hall, Jenny Munro from the Metropolitan Lands Council launched the rally with greetings from the Aboriginal community.

Harold Moucho from Fretilin, Andrew Ferguson from the Construction, Forestry, Mining and Energy Union, Jon Land from ASIET, Andrew McNaughtan from the Australia East Timor Association and Maung Maung Than, general secretary of the All Burma Student Democratic Organisation, addressed the crowd at different stages of the march.

At the Australian defence department building the protesters showed their condemnation of the military ties between Australia and Indonesia by burning the ABRI flag. Outside the United Nations' office, speakers criticised the UN-backed plan for East Timor's August 8 vote on autonomy which makes ABRI responsible for security.

The march ended at the office of Garuda airlines where a hunger strike from Resistance spoke about the political prisoners in Indonesia. The 24-hour hunger strike organised by Resistance in the city and Sydney's west raised more than $1000 for the campaign to free the political prisoners.

Stuart Munckton reports from Adelaide that 60 people gathered outside foreign affairs minister Alexander Downer's electorate office for an angry protest addressed by activists from Resistance, ASIET, the Democratic Socialist Party (DSP) and Campaign for an Independent East Timor. A solidarity message from Indonesia's People's Democratic Party was received with loud applause.

Despite intermittent rain, about 150 people expressed their solidarity with the East Timorese independence movement in Brisbane, says Andy Gianniotis. Each speaker symbolically "cut military ties" with the Indonesian regime before going on to the podium.

Speakers included Mike Byrne from ASIET, former Queensland maritime union organiser Bob Carnegie, Alfonso Corte-Real from the East Timorese community, Damien Legoullon from the Brisbane East Timor Action Coalition, and Ursula Oertel and Stella Riethmuller from Resistance. Carnegie told the protesters: "It's our duty as working-class people to do everything humanly possible to make East Timor a free and independent country."

The protesters marched from King George Square to the Garuda travel centre and the Defence Forces Recruiting Centre chanting "Stop the killing, stop the lies end all military ties".

Two hundred people joined a lively march in Melbourne from the Indonesian consulate to the Victoria military barracks. Speakers included Grahame McCulloch from the National Tertiary Education Industry Union (NTEU), Jo Williams from ASIET, Resistance member Sharon Simmons, Joaquim Santos from Fretilin and Sharan Burrows from the Australian Education Union.

In Lismore, Nick Fredman reports, members and supporters of Resistance, the DSP and Lismore Friends of East Timor held a speak-out at which many passers-by stopped to collect information and sign petitions and a giant postcard addressed to the Australian government.

Sean Martin-Iverson reports that more than 150 people gathered at the Perth Cultural Centre where speakers included Sandra Rodriguez from UDT, Francisco Soares from Fretilin, secretary of the WA Trades and Labor Council Tony Cooke, Sarah Stephen from ASIET and Jane Black from Resistance. The protestors marched to the offices of Garuda airlines chanting "Free East Timor Indonesia Out!". Once there, an Indonesian flag was burned.

In Hobart, says Viv Miley, around 75 people gathered on the Parliament House lawns for the rally addressed by Nikki Ulaslowski and Huw Lockwood from Resistance, Edwina Foster from ASIET, Jenny Herrera from the East Timor Committee, Lynne Fitzgerald from the Tasmanian Trades and Labor Council and Kamala Emmanuel from the DSP.

David Lam and Kylie Moon report that Resistance and other solidarity activists participated in a rally and march on the military barracks at Parramatta in Sydney's west. Crosses representing the atrocities of the Indonesian regime in East Timor, Indonesia, West Papua and Aceh were planted, and there was a symbolic burning of the Timor Gap Treaty.

Natalie Zirngast reports from Darwin that 130 people participated in the rally and march through the centre of the city led by East Timorese women drummers. The protest ended with an all-night candlelight vigil outside the Indonesian consulate.

In Newcastle, 25 people participated in a speak-out in the Hunter Street Mall. East Timorese activist John Dos Santos, Bob Burghat from Christians for Peace, an activist in the NTEU, Jane Beckmann from the DSP, Resistance's Graham Williams and Lisbeth Latham from ASIET spoke. Ben McKinnon read a statement of solidarity from the Newcastle University Students Association to the students of Indonesia.

Read more...

Indonesia: Towards revolution or chaos?

The movement that developed last year in Indonesia, culminating in big upsurges in May and November, was based on concerns arising out of economic insecurity, and growing anger and rejection of the undemocratic and repressive regime.

The mass unrest was sparked by anger at Suharto's re-election to his seventh five-term as president. This occurred against a backdrop of increasing economic turmoil. Economic problems facing the people included massive price rises; the cost of essentials such as food, medicine and cooking fuel had exploded by 200-300%. Unemployment was on the rise as factory closures rapidly increased. These problems dissolved Suharto's last vestiges of legitimacy.


Suharto's resignation did not solve the problems. By October, 80 million people were below the poverty line, up from 20 million in 1997. The regime's inability to solve the economic problems combined with a growing recognition that the Habibie regime was no different from the Suharto regime.

Preparations began for protests against the November meeting of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which would decide on the laws governing the general elections in 1999. These protests reflected recognition that the MPR was the same body that had elected Suharto in March, and would reflect the interests of Suharto and his cronies. The broad student movement also demanded the end of the “dual role” of the military (ABRI).

These mobilisations reached truly mass proportions in Jakarta, with more than 1 million students and urban poor on the streets. When ABRI attacked the mobilisations on November 13, killing 12 people, the response was even greater mobilisations the next day. By November 15, however, the movement dissipated, because of the illusions the movement had in parliamentary reform.

The movement hoped that the loyal opposition of Megawati Sukarnoputri, Amien Rais and Abdurrahman Wahid would take power on the back of the student and masses' mobilisations. These opposition figures had no intention of playing this role. This left a power vacuum that no section of the student movement was able or willing to fill.

Prospects for further upsurge

Since November, the economic crisis has worsened. Although the rupiah has now stabilised, prices have continued to increase. The International Monetary Fund now controls the bulk of the economy, and has embarked on a wave of closures to recoup and protect the investments of Australian, European, US and east Asian capitalists.

These closures have resulted in a new wave of sackings, throwing more people into poverty. In January it was estimated that the number of Indonesians living in poverty had reached 130 million.

There has been no shift in the role of the military in politics. Despite a new formal “separation” between the police and military, ABRI and the police continue to work together against student and other demonstrations.

For example, on April 13, when student groups organised demonstrations in Jakarta, the army was used to disperse them even though the students had gone through the legal processes prior to the demonstration.

The regime has confirmed that ABRI will have a reduced representation in the parliament, but it will still retain 38 appointed members. More importantly, there has been no move abolish the territorial command system, which places military bases and posts at every level of Indonesian society down to the village level.

Diverting public anger

Since May 1998, there has been growing ethnic violence. Then, violence against ethnic Chinese massively increased, including widespread incidents of rape of ethnic Chinese women.

This has spread to include violence between Christians and Muslims in Ambon and parts of Java. This violence is not spontaneous but the result of a systematic campaign by the regime to divert public anger to suitable scapegoats such as new settlers or ethnic minorities.

There is considerable evidence that the military have actively supported and defended these attacks, including film footage in May showing soldiers helping looters in Chinese areas in Jakarta. The expansion of this violence provides an excuse for ABRI to crack down in order restore “order”.

An important part of this is the campaign by the far right to label the People's Democratic Party (PRD) and the radical student organisations such as the Student and People's Committee for Democracy (KOMRAD) and City Forum (FORKOT) as “communist”. They have been accused of being involved in an anti-Islamic conspiracy and responsible for the rape, mutilation and murder of Muslim women.

This campaign taps into the popular hatred of “communism” in Indonesia, where the regime has been able to falsely portray “communists” as murderers and rapists. This sentiment was demonstrated in November, when the students taunted the military by calling them “PKI” (Communist Party Indonesia).

The regime has recently included laws banning Marxist-Leninism in the criminal code. These laws replace the anti-subversion law.

Under the new laws, campaigning for the replacement of the state ideology, Pancasila, with communism is punishable by 20 years' imprisonment. Publishing Marxist writings is punishable by 12 years' imprisonment. Publishing communist writings that spark mass unrest, following the teachings of Marx and Lenin and organising people under communist teachings are all punishable by 15 years' imprisonment.

The attempt to intimidate the PRD has also been stepped up. Mugianto and Aan, PRD members who were kidnapped and tortured by ABRI in March, have recently received phone calls from their kidnappers asking, “Do you remember me?”.

Ending the dual function

The dual function of ABRI -- that is, the military's involvement in politics -- remains the biggest barrier to democracy. The masses see establishing democratic elections and curtailing the power of the military as the burning priority.

Only when the movement has won greater democratic space and people have learned through their own experiences the illusory nature of capitalist “democracy” will revolutionaries be able to win a hearing for socialist solutions to society's problems. The vast majority of Indonesian people see the June 7 elections as both democratic and a solution to their current problems.

The depth of these illusions can be seen in reports of rallies organised by political parties through urban poor areas, as opposed to those organised by students. During 1998, when students marched through urban poor areas, the urban poor would come to join them. In the past month, this has no longer been the case. At the same time, they are prepared to join political party rallies, showing that the urban poor have large illusions in the elections.

One important factor in breaking these illusions will be the experience of the elections themselves. The June 7 poll will be first real multi-party election in more than 30 years. After the election, no change in government policy will occur.

The major opposition figures Megawati Sukarnoputri (Democratic Party of Indonesia -- Struggle), Amien Rais (National Mandate Party) and Abdurrahman Wahid (National Awakening Party), who are likely to play a role in the next government, have stated a willingness to support both the IMF austerity measures and the military's dual function.

The PRD has launched a campaign tying the struggle for democratic demands to the ending of the dual role of the military and meeting the immediate economic needs of workers, farmers and the urban poor. These demands include a 200% increase in wages with cuts to prices; providing land to the tillers; and the nationalising of Suharto and his family's assets.

In order to win these demands, it is necessary to build organisations that can mobilise and unite the people in struggle. This process also provides the possibility to generate increased confidence and a sense of empowerment.

It is important to win all oppressed and exploited sectors of Indonesian society to this struggle; failure to convince and win these sectors would mean that they could be used against the democratic forces.

Revolution or chaos? The answer to this questions lies in the strength of the democracy movement and its ability to lead the anger and frustration of the masses in a coherent struggle against the regime and the capitalist system it supports.

[Lisbeth Latham organised the Resistance exposure tour to Indonesia and is an activist in ASIET].

From Green Left Weekly issue #359

Read more...

Student power: The Indonesian example

By Lisbeth Latham

Last year featured the largest protest movement in the history of Indonesia. These protests, which mobilised millions of people, ended the dictator Suharto's 32-year reign. They were primarily built by students.

How did students, a section of society which we are told has no economic or political power, bring about the downfall of the region's longest surviving dictator?

The protests developed around two key issues: the economic crisis and the lack of democracy in Indonesia. The collapse of Indonesia's currency, the rupiah, in early 1998 led to massive inflation and unemployment. The International Monetary Fund's (IMF) economic restructuring package required a reduction in government subsidies on rice, cooking oil and kerosene, causing shortages and hardship for millions.

Widespread dissatisfaction with Suharto was expressed in the lead-up to the March 10 meeting of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), Indonesia's parliament. This reflected a growing recognition that the MPR was simply a “rubber stamp” for decisions already taken by Suharto and the ruling elite.

On March 10 in Yogyakarta, the day of Suharto's reappointment as president for a seventh five-year term, 10,000 students marched chanting, “Bring down prices, bring down Suharto!”.

Throughout 1998, the Suharto and B.J. Habibie regimes had attempted to intimidate and smash the student movement. At first attacking protests that attempted to leave campus, the regime became increasing desperate as the rallies began to grow and become more radical. They resorted to abducting, murdering and torturing student activists, and firing on protests.

These attacks only served to highlight the need for change and strengthened public awareness that students were suffering at the hands of the military because they were fighting for the people. The shooting of four students at Trisakti University on May 12 provoked outrage throughout Indonesia.

Between May 14 and 20, students took over the state-owned radio stations in Surabaya, Malang and Semarang, and the TV stations in Padang, West Sumatra. Occupations of regional parliament buildings occurred in a number of cities.

In Jakarta, students met after the shootings to discuss tactics. The more radical students proposed the mobilisation of workers, who were ready to join the students for the May 20 rallies. In a debate within the Jakarta-wide Forum Korta (Forkot), conservative students from the Tertiary Students' Student Senates argued that the involvement of non-students would lead to rioting.

The radical People's Democratic Party (PRD) argued that the urban poor would come out on the streets anyway and that students should build alliances with these forces and provide clear political direction. The more conservative students won the vote.

On May 20, approximately 500,000 people mobilised in Yogyakarta. In Jakarta, 150,000 occupied the grounds around the parliament. Forkot students established check points to physically prevent people without a student card from joining the protest.

Suharto's Resignation

In the face of mounting opposition, Suharto resigned from the presidency on the morning of May 21. Suharto's resignation and his replacement by Habibie had a demobilising effect on the movement. How could a movement which had succeeded in removing a dictator be mollified with such small concessions?

Suharto resigned not because of the immediate impact of the movement but because the regime feared the protests could escalate and the radicalisation deepen. Such a development could have resulted in the student movement in Jakarta following the lead of students in regional cities by forging links with peasants, the urban poor and workers. Suharto's resignation removed the focus of mass anger without requiring any real reforms or redistribution of the vast assets controlled by Suharto and his family.

The more radical students did attempt to restart the student mobilisations in late June to call for Habibie's resignation. These protests were met by counter-mobilisations by conservative students who argued it was necessary to give Habibie time to prove himself.

On November 9 to 13, a special session of the MPR, composed of the same individuals who had re-elected Suharto president in March, met to set the date for national elections and determine the composition of the parliament. On November 11 to 14, mass protests occurred in Jakarta against the session. Four demands united the protesters: reject the special session of the MPR; abolish the dual role of the armed forces (called dwifungsi); put Suharto on trial; and establish a provisional government.

There was some disagreement about what was meant by a “provisional government”. The Jakarta Student Senate Communication Forum demanded a presidium made up of figures in the political elite who have real mass support and a reputation of being free of corruption. Forkot demanded a people's committee comprising a broad range of figures and organisations active in the democracy movement.

The PRD, the Student and People's Committee for Democracy, Workers' Committee for Reformation Action (KOBAR) and Megawati Supporters' Committee campaigned for a democratic coalition government made up of progressive forces that have struggled consistently for democracy. They argued that it should be controlled by people's councils established from the district level.

The early protests mainly consisted of university students, although some urban poor were involved. The number of urban poor, however, grew to massive proportions in the later protests. The first day mobilised 5000 people, and the second day drew 10,000. On the third day, November 13, the numbers reached almost a million and virtually surrounded the parliament.

The protests were attacked by 30,000 troops and brigades of thugs (pan swakarsa) armed with sharpened bamboo. Eleven protesters were killed by the military. During the fighting, the urban poor defended the students, killing four members of the pan swakarsa. They placed 20,000 rupiah notes on the bodies to indicate they were paid vigilantes.

Organising Workers

Students involved in the PRD and its student organisation, Students in Solidarity for Democracy in Indonesia, have played an important role in organising workers in Indonesia. Through establishing the Indonesian Centre for Labour Struggle and involvement in KOBAR, the PRD has fought for workers' right to organise in trade unions.

The movement has undermined the government's propaganda that workers were being “used” by “communists”. It has become easier to involve workers in actions around political, as well as economic demands.

The national elections scheduled for June 7 will dominate Indonesian politics in 1999. Many students will act as election monitors. The PRD's participation will allow it to reach many people and will highlight that it is the only party to oppose the IMF's austerity package and to consistently call for an end to the military's involvement in politics.

The dramatic events in Indonesia show the power of student political protest. Students were able to detonate a mass movement for democracy and continue to lead the movement for fundamental change.

From Green Left Weekly #352

Read more...

Indonesian high school students in the struggle

Resistance magazine's Lisbeth Latham spoke with visiting People's Democratic Party (PRD) student leader Wahyu about the development of the high school student movement in Indonesia.

Question: How has the involvement of high school students in the democratic struggle developed?

Activity with the high school students began even before the May uprisings. For the last two or three years, small groups of high school students have been active around the issues of school fees, against the corrupt heads of schools, against their teachers and also against the corporatisation of high schools.

The movement has escalated from May 6, when subsidies were cut and many students could no longer afford to go to school.

In the beginning of May, their demands were still around education issues. The May demonstrations which overthrew Suharto gave high school students the experience and confidence to be involved in broader struggle. During the upheaval in November, when the People's Representative Assembly had its extraordinary sessions, many more high school students were involved. The first victim shot dead by the military was a high school student.

Question: What has the response been to the involvement of high school students?

There has been a positive response from the community because in the past the image of high school students is that of delinquency, with students being arrested and taken to the juvenile courts. Now they see that high school students are political because students are involved in the fight for democracy, and they have received respect.

Question: Are there specific high school student organisations?

The high school students' organisations in the major cities in Indonesia are the High School Students Solidarity Association (ASPG) in Jakarta, Lampung High School Councils and also many other groups formed in Solo, Yogyakarta and Surabaya.

Mostly these high school students' associations are affiliated to the movement in the city, which has a broader perspective of combining the political forces of the workers, urban poor and peasants. The PRD has a proposal that a nationwide high school student organisation be initiated.

Question: Why does the PRD see organising high school students as important?

We give priority to organising among high school students. We consider it is important to organise the high school students because when they finish high school they go to university or to the college or to the city to get a job. Their experience during high school gives them experience for political work in their workplace or place of study. High school students have also shown their willingness to struggle for democracy.

From Green Left Weekly issue #347

Read more...

Rage against the regime: Students fight for democracy in Indonesia

Lisbeth Latham

Last May mass demonstrations toppled one of the most brutal dictators in the world -- President Suharto of Indonesia. Having held power for over 32 years, with the full backing of most of the world's rich and powerful countries, Suharto was thought invincible by many.

Protests engulfed the whole of Indonesia, sweeping every campus, in every city and town. Students took to the streets, in defiance of military orders not to leave campus, to demand that Suharto resign.

The support for the student movement was grew daily. Scared by the massive demonstrations and the possibility of losing control, one by one Suharto's cronies began to call for his resignation. Finally, Suharto handed power to his vice president, B.J. Habibie.

Despite the change of the regime's face, not much else has changed. In the months since the fall of Suharto, the lot of most Indonesians has continued to worsen. The poor bear the brunt of the economic crisis, while the rich continue to hold power and protect their wealth.

The plummeting value of the rupiah, Indonesia's currency, and austerity programs enforced by the International Monetary Fund caused an additional 6 million Indonesians to slip below the poverty line in the space of four months.

The prices of life's necessities have skyrocketed -- medicines by 500%, rice by 300%. Many factories have closed, and millions have lost their jobs. The average income of Indonesians has dropped by at least 60% over the last six months.

The `bailouts'

Meanwhile, the rich in Indonesia have survived virtually unscathed. Suharto, worth around US$60 billion before the crisis, was estimated by the CIA to be the richest man in the world. While many of his Indonesian possessions will have depreciated, billions more are stashed away overseas.

Despite repeated popular calls for Suharto's wealth to be expropriated to lessen the effects of the economic crisis, the Habibie regime refuses to act. Instead, it blocks access to Suharto's residence with tanks and barricades.

The purpose of the “bailout” of Indonesia by the IMF and World Bank is to service the debts of Indonesian big business to international banks, not to ease the suffering or feed the Indonesian people.

The bailout is not a free handout. The Indonesian workers and peasants will have to pay back “their” debts. The Australian government, a long-time friend of the regime, has contributed $1 billion to this.

The struggle continues

In November, the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), a body stacked with the military and appointees of Suharto, met to plan a new election. Recognising that this body would reinforce the status quo, hundreds of thousands of students took to the streets to prevent the meeting and to demand “total reform”.

The military opened fire, killing 13 and wounding hundreds more.

In response, the students, workers and peasants surged onto the streets in their millions and occupied military bases, government buildings, radio and TV stations and airports. They demanded an end to the military's role in politics, the establishment of a provisional government not connected to the old regime, new elections and the arrest and seizure of the assets of Suharto, Habibie and Wiranto (head of the armed forces).

Many of the activists who had been part of the campaign to topple Suharto had argued in the months after his resignation that the movement should give the new regime a chance.

The radical wing of the movement, led by the People's Democratic Party (PRD), argued that the overthrow of Suharto would not overcome the problems facing Indonesian society. It put forward demands to meet the needs of the people and called for the resignation of Habibie.

The PRD is also the first Indonesian group to support the East Timorese people's struggle for self-determination.

The PRD argues that, for the movement to succeed, it must involve all oppressed sections of the population. During the November events, based on the agitation of PRD members, thousands of the urban poor and peasants were drawn into the mobilisations. This demonstrated that students can reach and politicise broader layers of people with the right demands.

Building solidarity

Resistance has always opposed the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. Resistance was one of the first organisations in Australia to build solidarity with the movement for democracy in Indonesia.

As a socialist organisation, Resistance opposes the imperialist policies of Australian governments, both Labor and Liberal. Canberra has supported the suppression of the rights of the East Timorese and Indonesians to protect the interests of Australian big business. Resistance supports and publicises the policies and activities of the radical PRD.

Resistance has called an international day of solidarity with the Indonesian student movement for May 22. The action coincides with the anniversary of the May 21 overthrow of Suharto.

Protests around the country, and the world, will mobilise support for the Indonesian and East Timorese movements against the Indonesian dictatorship. In Indonesia this year, more than 20 student activists have been shot dead and scores more wounded or detained. Thousands of East Timorese students have been killed or jailed since their country was invaded.

In both countries, students have vowed not to end their protests until the military are out of politics and full freedom is won.

The May 22 protests will demand: free the political prisoners; free the detained student activists; end all ties to the Indonesian military; and withdraw recognition of the Indonesian occupation of East Timor.

Activist tour to Indonesia

Resistance is coordinating an activist tour of Indonesia, jointly sponsored by the Student and People's Committee for Democracy (KOMRAD) and the student group Students in Solidarity with Democracy in Indonesia (SMID).

The tour will be a chance for students from Australia and New Zealand to travel to Indonesia and stay with activists of the democracy movement. Meetings will be organised with students, East Timorese activists, high school students, women, trade unionists, the urban poor and gay and lesbian organisations.

It will be a chance to share experiences of struggle in Australia and learn from the movement in Indonesia.

Resistance is inviting interested students to join the tour. It will leave Australia in early April and last 10 days. The cost will be approximately $1200. Places are very limited. Phone Lisbeth Latham at (02) 9690 1230 or fill out the clip-off below.

From Green Left Weekly issue #346

Read more...